Wed, Nov 28, 2001 page8

• Editorial: Voting for an effective legislature

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  For those sick of the chaos resulting from the break-ups and mergers of Taiwan's political parties, things may soon get much easier. If, after Saturday's elections, all the parties, factions and independent legislators in the Legislative Yuan can end up clearly divided into two camps of relatively equal strength, political stability has a much better chance of making an appearance in the legislature. The legislature's "Warring States era" (戰國時代) might even end.

  None of the major parties are expected to win a majority in the Legislative Yuan. The DPP and the KMT are likely to continue to be the two biggest parties and the numbers of seats that each of them hold is likely to be extremely close. Under such circumstances, the one which can form a legislative majority will get to call the shots. Therefore, those parties, factions, or independents capable of providing the badly-needed backing will end up the big winners -- by auctioning its support to the highest bidder.

  The one exception is the Taiwan Solidarity Union, which doesn't appear likely to engage in such back-room deals. Although former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), the TSU's spiritual leader, has candidly conceded that one of its main goals is to help the DPP, the two groups differ on several social and economic issues. They do agree, however, on the need to end the opposition alliance's boycott of the Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) administration and the need to preserve Taiwan's national sovereignty.

  As for the People First Party, all the signs indicate that it thinks it will reap a windfall if it plays its cards right, because it thinks the TSU won't be able to provide the DPP with sufficient backing to form a majority. What ransom could the PFP possibly demand from the KMT or the DPP? Very possibly the right to organize the Cabinet.

  After all, PFP Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜) still has his eye on the next presidential election. With neither the KMT's wealth nor the DPP's government resources, Soong's only chance of staying in the limelight is to head the Cabinet.

  For this reason, the PFP scorned at the three-in-one idea proposed by the New Party candidate Yok Mu-ming (郁慕明) -- an alliance of the KMT, PFP and New Party. Why merge with the KMT when it could reap more benefits as the critical third party! This rationale goes a little way toward explaining why the PFP has felt free to take a very hostile and uncooperative attitude toward the KMT. The PFP knows just how much the KMT will need it after the election.

  However, things would be completely different if the DPP, TSU and other lawmakers from the so-called "localization camp" of the KMT or PFP form an alliance -- the so-called alliance for national stabilization (國家安定聯盟) -- on par with the opposition alliance. Not only would the two camps then be able to check and balance each other, but no political extortion of the type described above would be able to take place.

  Even more importantly, a DPP poll indicates that 57 percent of voters support the idea of such a pro-government alliance. It is time politicians listened to the people for a change, instead of just each other.
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