Pope John Paul II recently urged Beijing to "normalize relations" between China and the Vatican. Meanwhile, former Italian prime minister, Giulio Andreotti, who is in charge of diplomatic policy for the Holy See, stated that the Vatican could follow the "Wash-ington model" of establishing full diplomatic relations with Beijing, but at the same time maintaining "certain relations" with Taiwan.
These words aroused fears in Taiwan that relations with the Vatican could be severed.
For many years, I have studied the foreign relations and legal system of the Holy See, and I present the following observations for reference.
First, since the Holy See signed the Lateran treaty with Italy in 1929, it has been recognized around the world as a sovereign country -- the Vatican City State. In 1961, the Vienna Diplomatic Convention also recognized that the Holy See, like other sovereign countries, had the authority to post and receive diplomatic envoys. At present, the Holy See has envoys in 172 countries.
What is particularly worthy of attention in Taiwan, however, is that in the Holy See's view, the envoys it has sent to each country represent not only the recognition of diplomatic relations, but also the tie of ecclesiastical relations between the Catholic Church and that country.
The primary reason for this is that the Holy See is not just a sovereign country in the secular sense. It is also a nation to which 700 million Catholics around the world belong to in spirit.
Looking carefully at the content of the Pope's recent statements about China, we see that he only said the Vatican hopes it can reestablish channels for dialogue with Beijing and by this means build a relationship of understanding and mutual respect. From this we can see that the relationship the Pope wants to establish with Beijing is one primarily based on religious considerations. The Vatican hopes that Beijing can recognize the legal existence of Catholicism in China and that Catholics can spread the Gospel without being persecuted.
Regrettably, the Beijing authorities were unwilling to accept the Vatican's goodwill. They demanded as a front that the Holy See first break off diplomatic relations with Taiwan, but actually they were unwilling to see their "Catholic Patriotic Church," which they prop up, constrained by the Holy See.
Thus, even if the Vatican intends to establish formal diplomatic relations and religious ties with Beijing, the two sides are still in disagreement over the "Patriotic Church" and no solution to the impasse is likely to be found in the near future.
In the long term, if the differences between the Holy See and Beijing are resolved, the two sides could possibly establish formal relations.
The Holy See's envoys don't have the usual titles of ambassador, minister and so on. They have their own unique diplomatic titles. The title "Apostolic Nuncio" is used for ambassadors with the status of archbishop and "Apostolic Pro-Nuncio" is used for ambassadors without the status of archbishop.
Especially worthy of notice is the third rank of the Holy See's ambassadors, the "Apostolic Delegates." This title is given to those envoys stationed in countries that do not have formal diplomatic relations with the Holy See. Delegates represent only the religious relations between the Vatican and the Catholic Church in the country where they are stationed. How-ever, according to the stipulations of the Vienna Diplomatic Convention, they still have the status of diplomatic personnel.
What Andreotti called the "Washington model" of maintaining "certain relations" with Taipei would amount to posting an Apostolic Delegate with diplomatic status to Taiwan. Although this arrangement certainly isn't something we would wish for, the envoy currently posted to Taiwan to represent diplomatic relations with the Holy See has the status of "charge d'affaires," a rank even lower than an Apostolic Delegate.
At this moment, as the red light of diplomatic ties between China and the Vatican flashes, I hope our diplomatic authorities can grasp the above information and maintain flexibility in order to preserve diplomatic ties with the Holy See and preserve the dignity of the nation.
Paul Liu is a licensed California attorney and an assistant professor in the department of finance at Lunghwa University of Science and Technology.
Translated by Ethan Harkness
Jan. 1 marks a decade since China repealed its one-child policy. Just 10 days before, Peng Peiyun (彭珮雲), who long oversaw the often-brutal enforcement of China’s family-planning rules, died at the age of 96, having never been held accountable for her actions. Obituaries praised Peng for being “reform-minded,” even though, in practice, she only perpetuated an utterly inhumane policy, whose consequences have barely begun to materialize. It was Vice Premier Chen Muhua (陳慕華) who first proposed the one-child policy in 1979, with the endorsement of China’s then-top leaders, Chen Yun (陳雲) and Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平), as a means of avoiding the
The last foreign delegation Nicolas Maduro met before he went to bed Friday night (January 2) was led by China’s top Latin America diplomat. “I had a pleasant meeting with Qiu Xiaoqi (邱小琪), Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping (習近平),” Venezuela’s soon-to-be ex-president tweeted on Telegram, “and we reaffirmed our commitment to the strategic relationship that is progressing and strengthening in various areas for building a multipolar world of development and peace.” Judging by how minutely the Central Intelligence Agency was monitoring Maduro’s every move on Friday, President Trump himself was certainly aware of Maduro’s felicitations to his Chinese guest. Just
A recent piece of international news has drawn surprisingly little attention, yet it deserves far closer scrutiny. German industrial heavyweight Siemens Mobility has reportedly outmaneuvered long-entrenched Chinese competitors in Southeast Asian infrastructure to secure a strategic partnership with Vietnam’s largest private conglomerate, Vingroup. The agreement positions Siemens to participate in the construction of a high-speed rail link between Hanoi and Ha Long Bay. German media were blunt in their assessment: This was not merely a commercial win, but has symbolic significance in “reshaping geopolitical influence.” At first glance, this might look like a routine outcome of corporate bidding. However, placed in
China often describes itself as the natural leader of the global south: a power that respects sovereignty, rejects coercion and offers developing countries an alternative to Western pressure. For years, Venezuela was held up — implicitly and sometimes explicitly — as proof that this model worked. Today, Venezuela is exposing the limits of that claim. Beijing’s response to the latest crisis in Venezuela has been striking not only for its content, but for its tone. Chinese officials have abandoned their usual restrained diplomatic phrasing and adopted language that is unusually direct by Beijing’s standards. The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the