On a dark street in the restive Iraqi town of Samarra a young man masked with a bandana and a baseball cap looks over his shoulder before pulling out an aerosol can and spray-painting across a wall.
A US army officer standing behind him squints at the flowing Arabic script, then turns to a reporter traveling with his platoon.
"What does that say?" he asks.
The young vandal is an army translator whom the soldiers call Matthew -- publishing his real name would put him in danger.
Matthew is charged with sowing seeds of strife between the town's two main insurgent groups, al-Qaeda in Iraq and the Islamic Army of Iraq.
While al-Qaeda takes its inspiration from Osama bin Laden's international Islamist struggle, the Islamic Army is a coalition of Iraqi Islamists and Baathist supporters of late dictator Saddam Hussein.
And while both groups are fighting to expel US forces from Iraq, there are also signs of growing conflict between them -- a conflict the local security forces and their US allies are keen to exploit.
The two groups have clashed on the Internet, with the more nationalist Islamic Army criticizing al-Qaeda for targeting Iraqi civilians and for its attempts to impose a harsh Saudi-inspired version of Islamic law.
Within Samarra, the Islamic Army enjoys wide popularity because of its single-minded focus on attacking US forces, while al-Qaeda intimidates local residents with spectacular bombings and coordinated attacks on police.
The commander of the US Army's 82nd Airborne, 3rd Brigade, Charlie Company, based in Samarra, agrees that both groups pose a threat to security in the town but says there are important differences.
The Islamic Army "is against coalition forces and ISF [Iraqi Security Forces] that work with the coalition," says Captain Eugene "Buddy" Ferris.
"Al-Qaeda will blow up bombs in markets. Al-Jaish al-Islami [the Islamic Army] won't," Ferris adds.
Both insurgent groups tag the walls with slogans, threats and boasts.
Al-Qaeda's street artists write: "The Samarra police are infidels, so we will bring you young men who love martyrdom," and "We will destroy all those who cooperate with the Americans".
The Islamic Army scribes write much the same thing, but threaten "the occupiers" instead of the local security forces and collaborators.
Matthew's job is to redirect the artistic impulses of each group against the other.
"It's a way to destabilize their unification efforts," says First Lieutenant Charlie Hodges, who leads one of the graffiti patrols.
Abu Tiba, the alleged leader of al-Qaeda in Samarra, is a frequent subject.
Hodges tells Matthew to write something really terrible about Abu Tiba, something that the Islamic Army of Iraq might say about him, something that will start a fight.
Matthew nods. Then in bright red paint he writes: "Abu Tiba is a terrorist and those who work with him are terrorists."
Hodges can't read Arabic, so he asks a reporter travelling with the platoon to translate. Hodges is disappointed. The black propaganda effort needs a lot more street cred than Matthew is giving him.
They climb back into the Humvees, drive around the corner, and try again.
They find a message telling the occupiers to leave. Matthew scribbles over it. Then Hodges tries again.
"This time, I want you to write that al-Qaeda has killed many in the Islamic Army," he says.
"Al-Qaeda has killed many from the Islamic Army," Matthew writes.
Then the local Iraqi police step in to offer suggestions on how to spice up his prose.
An argument ensues between Matthew and the police -- three men in mismatched uniforms with AK-47 assault rifles slung around their necks.
One cop finally suggests something that is greeted with enthusiasm. Matthew amends the message.
"Al-Qaeda has killed many FIGHTERS from the Islamic Army."
The paint is running out. Hodges tells Matthew his writing is too large, and orders everyone back to the vehicles.
The heavily armed US soldiers who had fanned out along the darkened street return to the Humvees, the police climb into their pickup trucks and they head back to base.
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