Taipei Times: Some Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) have said that you failed to report to the government about the incident in an accurate and timely fashion and that this caused confusion in Taipei. What happened at your end when the incident took place? Could you take us through the chronology of the events including the role you and your office played?
Koh Se-Kai (許世楷): The accident took place around 3am on the 10th. About two hours after the accident, the Taiwanese Economic and Cultural Representative Office’s (TECRO) Naha Branch Office called Taipei and our office to report on the accident and said the boat sank but that all the men on board had been saved. They said they were on the way to Ishigaki Island to visit our men. I gave the go-ahead because the first priority was the safety of these people.
As soon as I arrived at the office that same morning, I called several key Japanese politicians to meet with them. I was able to get two officials from the Ministry of Agricultural, Forestry and Fisheries to meet with me at 3pm and 3:30pm that afternoon. The two officials were directly involved in the incident and said they would report back to the ministry on the issue.
By the end of the night, I had met seven prominent Japanese officials, include a former prime minister and two incumbent ministers. I met with a total of nine high ranking officials that day. We all agreed to keep the incident minimal in order to avoid damaging the much cherished relations between Taiwan and Japan. I called for the immediate release and repatriation of the 16 people on board.
The next day, the Japanese released the 13 recreational fishermen but kept the two crew members and the captain in custody. It just so happened that former vice president Annette Lu (呂秀蓮) was scheduled to attend an international conference in Tokyo on the 11th to 12th. That morning, Lu and I visited former Japanese foreign minister Taro Aso to inform him of the matter. Later that afternoon, we also met the Nikkakon, a Taiwan-friendly parliamentary group, in an open setting to make our case. President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) also released a “four point-statement” on the issue. On the 12th, I contacted the Interchange Association, hoping to meet their chairman to let him know about the four-point statement and to protest on behalf of Taiwan. The Interchange agreed to meet me at 10am the next day. Our office notified the media. So, in public we only met with Japanese officials twice, but in reality, we kept close contact with Japanese authorities throughout the ordeal.
On the 13th, on the way to the Interchange Association, I received a call from Foreign Minister Francisco Ou (歐鴻鍊), who instructed me to tell the Japanese that I would be recalled if the captain were not released.
That night, the Japanese released the boat captain. When I received the news I immediately called Minister Ou to inform him of the release. At the time I thought there would be no need to recall me since they had released the last man.
The next day, MOFA still sent me a telegram demanding that I come back right away. But in the MOFA official press release, they used the word “recall.”
During the negotiation process, our office kept Taipei updated on the latest developments. We called Taipei several times each day. We did exactly what our jobs required us to do. If Taipei was not clear on anything, they could have called us, too. If you are not professional, maybe sometimes it will be hard for you to fully comprehend the situation. The minister probably did not read the daily communication log between our office and Taipei, which would show that we kept in close contact with Taipei. He probably only got his information from the newspaper.
TT: Some people say the Japanese officials’ expression of regret over the incident was not equivalent to an apology. But you have stressed that in Japanese culture, “regret” can also mean an apology. If that’s the case, do you think it is still necessary for the Ma administration to demand a public formal apology from Japan?
Koh: It is international custom that countries do not easily apologize, unless defeated in a war. In many countries, there is a basic understanding of the significance of certain words. Even though the word literally means one thing, it could mean another. But we don’t have such a system in Taiwan. We only look at the literal meaning of the Chinese characters and ignore what the word means in Japan, especially on a diplomatic level.
A few days ago, a Japanese coastal guard official [Hideo Nasu, head of the Coast Guard’s 11th regional headquarters in Naha, Okinawa Prefecture] even said “moushiwake animasen” and took a deep bow. We should accept their good will and not keep pressing for a formal apology.
In diplomacy, when one party shows good will, the other party should reciprocate by lowering its insistence. In this case, the Japanese side has already displayed good will by bending its usual protocol to release the 16 men, agreeing to compensate them and offering a sort of apology over the incident, because the Japanese really want to maintain their good friendship with Taiwan.
To reciprocate Japan’s good will, MOFA should let me go back to Japan immediately. If the Japanese don’t live up to their word after that, then recall me.
Recalling an ambassador is one of the severest forms of diplomatic protest. By recalling me, Taiwan loses its bargaining chip in negotiations. It also affects how Japan evaluates what appropriate compensation is.
MOFA should completely exhaust all of its diplomatic tactics before turning the issue over to the Ministry of National Defense. We must weigh the situation carefully and come up with the best scenario for both sides. We should always reserve protesting as the very last option or else MOFA should be renamed “the Ministry of Protest.”
When everyone is demonstrating good will, we should do the same.
TT: On Monday you refused to report to the Legislative Yuan and said a “soldier can be killed, but not insulted.” Why used such a strong phrase?
Koh: Because they [pan-blue legislators] were already berating me and calling me a traitor even before they had heard my report. If I had gone, I would only have been insulted more.
I am an ambassador of this government, even though I support Taiwanese independence. They should support and protect me. MOFA should have defended me from their insults. But instead, MOFA purposely asked me to go to the frontline, knowing full well they hate me.
The foreign minister even said most of the negotiations with Japan were done in Taiwan. If that’s case, then MOFA has more reason to send someone who was directly involved in the negotiations to report to the legislature. Why ask me?
TT: In your opinion, how has the incident affected Taiwan-Japan relations? What do you see as the future of bilateral ties under Ma’s leadership?
Koh: After Ma was elected on March 22, the foremost concern in Japan was whether Ma was anti-Japan. I tried to quell the concern by telling the Japanese that Ma deeply valued Taiwan’s relations with Japan and that this was evident during his two visits to Japan during his campaign.
In Ma’s inaugural speech, he never mentioned Japan, which sparked some concern from the Japanese delegation. Once again, I tried to assure them by telling them that the Japanese delegation was the second group of foreign dignitaries that Ma had lunch with on inauguration day. It shows that he deeply values Taiwan-Japan relations.
But of course I worry about the future of Taiwan-Japan ties going downhill during Ma’s administration and that’s why I have made a big effort to make sure the new representative will have a smooth transition.
The Japanese already had concerns about Ma’s attitude toward Japan. That Ma was too slow in his reaction to the incident might raise more concerns.
TT: After serving the country for so many years, how does it make you feel to end your career as a public servant this way?
Koh: I have full confidence that I did my job and I fulfilled my obligations. Although President Ma has approved my resignation, he and Ou have publicly commended my efforts as the Japanese representative over the last four years. I am not very close to Ma and I am therefore not very familiar with his Japan policy. An ideal candidate would be one who is well-versed in the Japanese language, culture and has a tacit understanding with Ma.
Koh Se-kai | |
1934 | Born in Changhua County. |
1957 | Earned a law degree at National Taiwan University. |
1959 | Finished compulsory military service, went to Tokyo on a full scholarship offered by the Japanese government. |
1960 | Joined a student independence movement. Key founder of the Independence Alliance of Taiwanese Youth; blacklisted by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) government for more than 30 years. |
1962 | Received a master’s degree in political science from Waseda University. |
1968 | Earned a juris doctor of law at Tokyo University. |
1970 | Koh became one of the first central committee members in the World United Formosans for Independence (WUFI) organization founded in New York. |
1987 to 1991 | Chairman of WUFI |
1992 | Returned to Taiwan. |
1997-1998 | Chairman of the Taiwan Independence Party. |
2004 | Appointed the nation's representative to Japan. |
During his term as representative: | |
September 2005 | Japanese Diet voted unanimously to allow visa-free entry for Taiwanese visitors. |
September 2007 | Taiwan and Japan recognize each other’s drivers licenses. |
June 2008 | Taiwanese nationals are allowed to write “Taiwan” instead of “China” on Japanese registration documents. |
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