Taipei Times: With hundreds of bills awaiting review and the session to be shortened by the year-end elections, how will the legislature prioritize its agenda?
Wang Jin-pyng (王金平): In principle, we will divide bills into four categories. Starting next week, the legislature will review bills left over from the previous session, which have the backing of all caucuses. There is also a consensus to amend internal rules concerning the legislative process and the power of lawmakers before the December elections. With their fate in limbo, most colleagues are open to proposals to enhance legislative efficiency and quality. After the dust settles, selfish concerns would make any reform difficult, if not impossible.
In addition, caucuses intend to make into law some 20 bills recommended by last month's Economic Development Advisory Conference.
PHOTO: CHIANG YING-YING, TAIPEI TIMES
Finally, the legislature will seek to complete legislation needed for the country's WTO membership.
We'll try our best to speed up legislation. There are only seven working days to review bills, as the legislature will spend Tuesday and Friday questioning the Cabinet. The right to interpellation is guaranteed by law, and colleagues would not give up that privilege during an election year.
To make up for the election break, caucuses agreed to work overtime -- from 9am until 10pm -- on Thursday for the following seven weeks. This way, the actual amount of time for legislative review will not suffer.
TT: Will the legislature pass 14 WTO-related bills before breaking at the end of October?
Wang: The current session will run until the end of December. After returning from the election break, the legislature will make sure that all 14 bills are passed before the country enters the WTO in January next year. Some have suggested extending the session, which is not unlikely, if all agree.
TT: Will you vie for the post of legislative speaker after the year-end polls?
Wang: Having entered the legislative race, I certainly hope to retain the leadership in the legislature.
TT: Would you comment on the prospect of the KMT cooperating with the People First Party for the year-end elections and the possible formation of a coalition government after that?
Wang: That's hard to say. A united front remains lip service today as seen in the elections of country commissioners and city mayors. As for legislative polls, where the strength of individual candidates carries more weight than partisan tags, there is little room for cooperation. After the election, if need be, the KMT and the PFP will and must settle their differences and join forces. The upcoming formation of a coalition government may shake up the political map.
TT: Will the KMT and PFP back your bid to contest the helm of the legislature?
Wang: The KMT will no doubt support my bid and has been working toward that end. Other factors very much depend on the result of the elections. As the KMT stands little chance of retaining its majority control in the legislative election, I think that the matter will be decided by party-to-party negotiations in the future. I have quite a few friends in the PFP as well as the DPP.
TT: What are the chances of the DPP building up a majority in the legislature with a small opposition party?
Wang: The ruling DPP will definitely endeavor to form a majority by allying with other parties. To that end, it will first try to win over as many lawmakers as possible to its fold. When that fails, it will seek to build a delicate majority with a small party. As is widely recognized, such an alliance will have difficulty maintaining stability. When that also fails, the DPP will be forced to continue with its present minority.
TT: What kind of coalition government do you think suits the country the best?
Wang: A grand coalition government where most political parties participate promises to be the most stable. Stability will be precarious for a small coalition and impossible for a minority government whose running has proved extremely bumpy for the past 16 months. Whether the DPP will continue to steer the country by minority rule depends on interactions among various parties. Again, the year-end election will have a crucial bearing on the pattern of this interplay. Chances for a coalition where all parties take part is slim.
TT: How would the KMT divide Cabinet ministries if it were to join the coalition government?
Wang: Of the 30-plus departments, the KMT would insist on control over seven of them, namely, the premiership, vice premiership, the ministries of finance and economics, the Council for Economic Planning and Development, the Central Bank of China and the Directorate General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics.
Again, it would take party-to-party talks to decide who would fill which positions. As for myself, I would turn down any invitation to head the Cabinet.
TT: The KMT suspended the membership of former president Lee Teng-hui (
Wang: For a matter so sensitive, I have repeatedly called on the party to handle the matter with the maximum caution possible. The party's interest should take precedence over all other concerns. By party interest, I mean the KMT's showing in the December polls. I have also reiterated the importance of the manner and timing of the disciplinary action. Having said that, I would defer the issue to the discretion of the disciplinary division.
TT: How do you respond to charges that the legislature has been a main source of recurring political chaos?
Wang: Honestly speaking, the country has been plagued by three problems: the sovereignty dispute with China, ethnic feuding and partisan rivalry. The legislature is comprised of politicians with opposing stances on these three issues. This will naturally lead to fierce bickering. It is better for them to dispute openly in the legislative chamber rather than fight on the street.
To win the legislature, we should look at both the quantity and quality of legislation. Back in March 1996, then vice president and premier Lien Chan (連戰) was not even able to set his foot in the legislature, owing to a boycott by DPP lawmakers. As a result of their filibuster, the legislature often adjourned early and enacted a paltry six bills in the entire session.
The First Legislature passed over 2,000 pieces of legislation during its entire 40-year tenure; the Second Legislature, 201; and the Third Legislature, 265. The Fourth [incumbent] Legislature has enacted 360 bills and is expected to pass up to 70 more before its term expires in January. The statistics speak for themselves.
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