Middle-class matrons shop for imported furniture in a marble-and-glass emporium. A new movie house is screening the Hollywood blockbuster Transformers. Teens bop to a Danish hip hop band performing on their high school basketball court.
Life in the West Bank — in sharp contrast to beaten down, Hamas-ruled Gaza — has taken on a semblance of normalcy.
Exhausted after more than two decades of on-and-off conflict with Israel and deeply skeptical about prospects of statehood, Palestinians here are increasingly trying to carve out their own little niches of happiness.
“We need to enjoy our life despite all the difficulties,” said housewife Nadia Aweida, in her 50s, after taking in a dance show in Ramallah.
It would seem that the West Bank, under US-backed President Mahmoud Abbas, has finally made first steps toward the stability that the international community has tried to foster with massive foreign aid and training for Abbas’ security forces.
But the hopeful signs come with many qualifiers.
While Israel has removed several West Bank checkpoints, other obstacles still limit Palestinian mobility to half the territory.
The economy is no longer in free fall, but is still shrinking, according to the World Bank. Whatever prosperity there is depends mainly on foreign aid.
Meanwhile, Abbas remains locked in a power struggle with the Islamic militant group Hamas in control of the Gaza Strip, which has been under an Israeli and Egyptian-imposed blockade for two years and is growing steadily poorer.
Israeli settlements in the West Bank keep expanding, and Palestinians fear the idea of “economic peace” espoused by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is a weak substitute for a state of their own.
With unemployment widespread, many Palestinians still struggle just to get by. But those with a little cash in their pockets, including people with steady government jobs, say they’re tired of waiting for the comforts of a world they can only see on the Internet and TV.
Palestinian companies in Ramallah are sponsoring a pickup basketball tournament, first prize US$2,500. A festival at Ramallah’s Palace of Culture featuring dance and music groups from Turkey, Germany and France is drawing sellout crowds.
The Danish hip hop group Outlandish recently performed for 2,000 fans, including teenage girls in jeans and tank tops. With black-clad Palestinian riot police watching from the sidelines, the excited crowd danced, whistled and sang along.
The next night, an Iraqi singer had hundreds swaying to his music at an outdoor performance.
“This is new in our life and we deserve to live like the others,” said audience member Maher Saleh, 29, who works for an advertising agency.
An internationally supported law-and-order campaign by Abbas has been critical in changing the atmosphere. Abbas started cracking down two years ago after he lost Gaza — the other territory that is supposed to comprise a Palestinian state — to Hamas.
After the second Palestinian uprising against Israeli occupation broke out in 2000, vigilante gunmen ruled and security forces were largely powerless. Even ordinary people took it as license to ignore such basics as paying utility bills.
Now they’re even being made to wear seat belts while driving.
Police are visible in the streets, the vigilantes have handed over their weapons and Hamas militants — the main opponents of the government — have gone underground.
The uprising was characterized by suicide bombers striking in Israeli cities and drawing sweeping Israeli reprisals.
Israeli raids in search of suspects still go on, but attacks on Israel have all but ended.
The West Bank’s relative calm could help sway skeptics in Israel who feel Israeli troops cannot leave the territory for fear of ensuing chaos and a takeover by Islamic militants.
While Islamists have deepened their hold on Gaza, there are signs that in the West Bank, the traditionally secular nature of Palestinian society, which receded during troubled times, is beginning to reassert itself.
Mosques still draw bigger crowds for Friday prayers than they did two decades ago, but men and women mingle easily in public and preachers haven’t attempted to stop the summer fun.
The outside world has come closer in other, unexpected ways: China has led the way in swamping the West Bank with foreign goods, and Persian Gulf firms plan to build large housing complexes.
The new feeling of safety has encouraged some Palestinians to invest, particularly in the former militant strongholds of Nablus and Jenin in the northern West Bank, though most businesspeople still hedge their bets.
In Nablus, cinemas were shut down by uprising activists in the late 1980s, and when one briefly reopened in 2006, militants shut it at gunpoint, saying it was inappropriate to have fun at a time of national struggle.
But now the 175-seat Cinema City, built for US$2 million in a new 10-story commercial high-rise, is showing four films a day, mainly Egyptian dramas and comedies but also Hollywood fare like Transformers (from last year; the sequel isn’t here yet).
A former Nablus gunman, Mahdi Abu Ghazaleh, embodies the change.
Once a member of the Al Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades, a feared militia, he has won amnesty from Israel, like many of his cohorts. He got married this month and now works in the family wholesale business, selling leather goods and plastics.
In Jenin, the flagship of change is Herbawi home furnishings, a seven-story tribute to consumerism with gleaming floors and carefully arranged displays. A world away from the West Bank’s typical mom-and-pop stores, it carries Krupps espresso machines, along with furniture imported from Malaysia and Turkey.
Durgham Zakarneh, 32, makes only US$600 a month as a civil servant, but he has managed to buy a refrigerator for US$400 in 11 monthly payments.
“Life is much better now,” he said. “People can do business without worrying.”
Other Herbawi stores will open soon in other West Bank cities, said Ziad Turabi, manager of the fledgling chain. Like the Nablus cinema manager, Turabi said he wouldn’t have made the US$4 million investment in Jenin without the new sense of security, provided in part by disciplined police freshly trained in neighboring Jordan in a US-sponsored program.
However, Israeli checkpoints still put a damper on the business — though Israel would argue the presence of its troops also helps keep a lid on militants.
The Israeli separation barrier, built to keep out suicide attackers, cuts off the Herbawi store in Jenin from a valued clientele — Israeli Arabs.
Israel doesn’t allow its citizens to drive through the barrier crossing closest to Jenin, so they have to detour for kilometers to get to Herbawi’s.
Even so, there’s more freedom of movement.
The Hawara roadblock outside Nablus used to be the West Bank’s worst bottleneck, allowing Palestinians to cross only on foot after long waits. Now, for the first time since 2000, they can drive through.
The Israeli army has loosened the other checkpoints in its noose around the city, and large crowds are expected at the city’s month-long shopping festival, which will feature an attempt to get into the Guinness Book of World Records with a city-block-length tray of kanafe, a sweet-and-sour pastry.
Saleh, the ad agency employee, said he’s ready to have a good time after years of gloom.
“We had an uprising, we had hardship under occupation,” he said. “We need singing and joy. We need to live a human life.”
A failure by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to respond to Israel’s brilliant 12-day (June 12-23) bombing and special operations war against Iran, topped by US President Donald Trump’s ordering the June 21 bombing of Iranian deep underground nuclear weapons fuel processing sites, has been noted by some as demonstrating a profound lack of resolve, even “impotence,” by China. However, this would be a dangerous underestimation of CCP ambitions and its broader and more profound military response to the Trump Administration — a challenge that includes an acceleration of its strategies to assist nuclear proxy states, and developing a wide array
Jaw Shaw-kong (趙少康), former chairman of Broadcasting Corp of China and leader of the “blue fighters,” recently announced that he had canned his trip to east Africa, and he would stay in Taiwan for the recall vote on Saturday. He added that he hoped “his friends in the blue camp would follow his lead.” His statement is quite interesting for a few reasons. Jaw had been criticized following media reports that he would be traveling in east Africa during the recall vote. While he decided to stay in Taiwan after drawing a lot of flak, his hesitation says it all: If
Twenty-four Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers are facing recall votes on Saturday, prompting nearly all KMT officials and lawmakers to rally their supporters over the past weekend, urging them to vote “no” in a bid to retain their seats and preserve the KMT’s majority in the Legislative Yuan. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which had largely kept its distance from the civic recall campaigns, earlier this month instructed its officials and staff to support the recall groups in a final push to protect the nation. The justification for the recalls has increasingly been framed as a “resistance” movement against China and
Owing to the combined majority of the opposition Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), the legislature last week voted to further extend the current session to the end of next month, prolonging the session twice for a total of 211 days, the longest in Taiwan’s democratic history. Legally, the legislature holds two regular sessions annually: from February to May, and from September to December. The extensions pushed by the opposition in May and last week mean there would be no break between the first and second sessions this year. While the opposition parties said the extensions were needed to