Over the past 20 years, China has developed into the world’s factory through its low labor, land and raw material costs. While tariffs levied against Chinese goods by US President Donald Trump’s administration has made it less attractive for businesses in the past two years, it is the COVID-19 outbreak that has shone a light on Beijing’s questionable and unsustainable crisis management capabilities and governance mechanisms. The outbreak has also created risks for the global electronics and automotive industries, and affected the production of pharmaceutical ingredients and textile materials.
Taiwanese electronics manufacturing service providers, such as Hon Hai Precision Industry Co and Pegatron Corp, expect to suffer from supply chain disruptions, as more than 80 percent of their output comes from China. No wonder Apple Inc last week updated its sales guidance for this quarter, warning that sales would be lower than its previous estimates because of the outbreak. Indeed, it is the second time Apple has cut its quarterly guidance since its analyst meeting late last month, indicating how the fallout from public health issues such as COVID-19 can constrain global iPhone supply and end-market demand in China.
The unprecedented supply chain disruptions have clearly created a crisis for the manufacturing sector, as the extended Lunar New Year holiday and the slow resumption of work at Chinese factories have dealt a blow to businesses, either in delayed downstream production or through shortages of upstream raw materials and labor. Given Taiwanese firms’ role in regional supply chains, damage to their businesses seems all but inevitable in the short term.
However, these disruptions could serve as a stress test in gauging Taiwan’s ability to withstand wide swings from any situation in China and how long it would take to recover from a crisis. The outbreak could also spell good news for Taiwan, because it might help speed up the return of investment and jobs from China. It might become a tipping point in the decoupling process for companies considering moving their supply chains out of China. Regardless of the degree of damage or the pace of decoupling, there is a consensus that Taiwanese firms’ heavy dependence on China is a real danger.
The outbreak is a wake-up call for Taiwan, because more than 75 percent of the nation’s publicly listed companies, or 1,201, have aggregated investments in China totaling NT$2.54 trillion (US$83.54 billion) as of the third quarter of last year, up NT$43.1 billion from the end of 2018, government statistics showed. This is only the tip of the iceberg, as the data did not include investments made through firms’ overseas channels. This should raise concerns, as excessive and concentrated investments in a single market are not healthy for businesses or the nation’s economy.
Another growing consensus is that the triangular trade model — in which firms take orders in Taiwan, but produce goods at plants in China before shipping them elsewhere — is not durable and needs to be adjusted quickly. Some businesses have started to shift production out of China in response to the US-China trade dispute, and more are expected to follow suit. Together with government incentives that aim to boost domestic investment amid the trade row, the outbreak might prove to be a crisis as well as an opportunity for Taiwan.
Chinese state-owned companies COSCO Shipping Corporation and China Merchants have a 30 percent stake in Kaohsiung Port’s Kao Ming Container Terminal (Terminal No. 6) and COSCO leases Berths 65 and 66. It is extremely dangerous to allow Chinese companies or state-owned companies to operate critical infrastructure. Deterrence theorists are familiar with the concepts of deterrence “by punishment” and “by denial.” Deterrence by punishment threatens an aggressor with prohibitive costs (like retaliation or sanctions) that outweigh the benefits of their action, while deterrence by denial aims to make an attack so difficult that it becomes pointless. Elbridge Colby, currently serving as the Under
The Ministry of the Interior on Thursday last week said it ordered Internet service providers to block access to Chinese social media platform Xiaohongshu (小紅書, also known as RedNote in English) for a year, citing security risks and more than 1,700 alleged fraud cases on the platform since last year. The order took effect immediately, abruptly affecting more than 3 million users in Taiwan, and sparked discussions among politicians, online influencers and the public. The platform is often described as China’s version of Instagram or Pinterest, combining visual social media with e-commerce, and its users are predominantly young urban women,
Most Hong Kongers ignored the elections for its Legislative Council (LegCo) in 2021 and did so once again on Sunday. Unlike in 2021, moderate democrats who pledged their allegiance to Beijing were absent from the ballots this year. The electoral system overhaul is apparent revenge by Beijing for the democracy movement. On Sunday, the Hong Kong “patriots-only” election of the LegCo had a record-low turnout in the five geographical constituencies, with only 1.3 million people casting their ballots on the only seats that most Hong Kongers are eligible to vote for. Blank and invalid votes were up 50 percent from the previous
Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi lit a fuse the moment she declared that trouble for Taiwan means trouble for Japan. Beijing roared, Tokyo braced and like a plot twist nobody expected that early in the story, US President Donald Trump suddenly picked up the phone to talk to her. For a man who normally prefers to keep Asia guessing, the move itself was striking. What followed was even more intriguing. No one outside the room knows the exact phrasing, the tone or the diplomatic eyebrow raises exchanged, but the broad takeaway circulating among people familiar with the call was this: Trump did