The world has been saying “never again” to genocide and crimes against humanity ever since the Nazis perpetrated the Holocaust and their war against civilization in the 1930s and ’40s. Yet that has not prevented mass atrocities in Cambodia, the Balkans, Rwanda, China, Syria, Myanmar and other places in the decades since the end of World War II.
Now the international community is on notice that another massive human rights outrage is being committed before its eyes in East Turkestan, now called Xinjiang, in western China. The Uighurs, a Muslim population invaded and occupied by communist China in 1949, are the victims of a vast campaign of subjugation under the totalitarian rubric of “Sinicization.” History shows that cultural genocide (even before it was called that) can quickly become genocide itself.
Beijing is imposing a pervasive system of mind-and-soul control on the 4 million Uighurs in an attempt to wipe out the vestiges of their ethnic and religious identity. To achieve what the UN has called “cultural genocide,” China employs methods ranging from sophisticated propaganda techniques to “wash clean the brains” of detainees to the brutally primitive practice of mass rape.
While as many as 2 million Uighur men are incarcerated in a network of sprawling “re-education” concentration camps reminiscent of the Soviet gulags, Han Chinese soldiers are stationed inside the homes of the absent men as new “family members” entitled to share the beds of the Uighur women. The offspring of those forced encounters would constitute a new breed of Han-sired children, ready-made for the creation of a purified, semi-Uighur generation that would be preconditioned to accept Han culture and communist China ideology. (In the 1990s, the Serbs also used rape as a “purification” instrument of ethnic war against the Muslim population of Bosnia.)
The US Congress has been determined not to remain on the moral sidelines as the Chinese Communist Party wields its dictatorial powers against the populations subject to its rule, whether in Hong Kong or East Turkestan/Xinjiang. Three weeks ago, by a near-unanimous vote, Congress passed the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act providing for sanctions against persons complicit in violating the rights and freedoms of Hong Kong citizens and threatening the continuity of Hong King’s special status as an international financial center. US President Donald Trump signed it into law immediately.
In recent weeks, the US Senate unanimously passed the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act, which would impose sanctions on Chinese officials who have engaged in violations of the rights of Uighurs. On Dec. 4, by a vote of 400-1, the House of Representatives passed an even stronger version, called the Uighur Act.
The two versions of the legislation, which Beijing has labeled “another brazen attempt to interfere in China’s internal affairs,” need to be reconciled before the bill can move to the president’s desk. Inexplicably, that final step has not been taken and the congressional session is about to end.
If the legislation is allowed to languish for technical procedural reasons, Beijing surely will view the bills’ demise as a “prudent” US response to China’s “principled” opposition, and Uighur human rights activists will see it as a defeat and moral abandonment.
Before time runs out, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Republican, and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, a Democrat, are surely capable of ironing out any last-minute technical issues and getting this important measure, which enjoys near-unanimous congressional support, to Trump for his signature.
Failure to do so would make the good work done so far by both houses merely morally satisfying, feel-good gestures accomplishing nothing to help the Uighurs. Congress can do better.
Joseph Bosco served as China country director in the office of the US secretary of defense. He is a fellow at the Institute for Taiwan-American Studies and a member of the advisory committee of the Global Taiwan Institute.
From the Iran war and nuclear weapons to tariffs and artificial intelligence, the agenda for this week’s Beijing summit between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) is packed. Xi would almost certainly bring up Taiwan, if only to demonstrate his inflexibility on the matter. However, no one needs to meet with Xi face-to-face to understand his stance. A visit to the National Museum of China in Beijing — in particular, the “Road to Rejuvenation” exhibition, which chronicles the rise and rule of the Chinese Communist Party — might be even more revealing. Xi took the members
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) on Friday used their legislative majority to push their version of a special defense budget bill to fund the purchase of US military equipment, with the combined spending capped at NT$780 billion (US$24.78 billion). The bill, which fell short of the Executive Yuan’s NT$1.25 trillion request, was passed by a 59-0 margin with 48 abstentions in the 113-seat legislature. KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), who reportedly met with TPP Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) for a private meeting before holding a joint post-vote news conference, was said to have mobilized her
Before the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its People’s Liberation Army (PLA) can blockade, invade, and destroy the democracy on Taiwan, the CCP seeks to make the world an accomplice to Taiwan’s subjugation by harassing any government that confers any degree of marginal recognition, or defies the CCP’s “One China Principle” diktat that there is no free nation of Taiwan. For United States President Donald Trump’s upcoming May 14, 2026 visit to China, the CCP’s top wish has nothing to do with Trump’s ongoing dismantling of the CCP’s Axis of Evil. The CCP’s first demand is for Trump to cease US
The inter-Korean relationship, long defined by national division, offers the clearest mirror within East Asia for cross-strait relations. Yet even there, reunification language is breaking down. The South Korean government disclosed on Wednesday last week that North Korea’s constitutional revision in March had deleted references to reunification and added a territorial clause defining its border with South Korea. South Korea is also seriously debating whether national reunification with North Korea is still necessary. On April 27, South Korean President Lee Jae-myung marked the eighth anniversary of the Panmunjom Declaration, the 2018 inter-Korean agreement in which the two Koreas pledged to