Tugay Sarac was just 15 when he first talked about traveling from Germany to Syria to fight for the Islamic State group.
However, unlike his friends at the time, Sarac had turned to militant Islam as a way of avoiding coming to terms with his sexuality.
“I had friends who, like me, were really radical extremists and even considered going to Syria or to Palestine to fight,” he told reporters in a quiet corner of the prayer room of Berlin’s Ibn Rushd-Goethe mosque.
Illustration: Constance Chou
Now 20, Sarac, who was born in Berlin to a Turkish family, learned from an early age that homosexuality was wrong and un-Islamic.
“I thought being gay is bad and that through Islam, by praying to God, I could cure myself and become normal,” he said. “I started praying five times a day: I just felt bad, like I was dirty or inferior somehow ... I was really ashamed of my gay thoughts.”
Yet Sarac was not looking to militantism for a greater sense of Muslim solidarity — he was running away from the fact that he was gay.
“I knew I liked boys from maybe the first class of primary school,” he said. “[But] in Islam for me it was very clear that homosexuality was bad.”
It was only when Sarac came across the Ibn Rushd-Goethe mosque — one of only a handful of gay-friendly mosques around the world — that he found a middle ground that allowed him to accept both his sexuality and his faith.
As Sarac found himself drawn into the life of the mosque, its liberal, inclusive form of Islam drew him away from his more fundamentalist views and helped him come to terms with who he was.
“This mosque helped me to deradicalize completely,” he said. “Coming here, I started being comfortable with myself, and that’s when I told my mother and my aunt [that I was gay].”
LGBT Muslims are frequently required to make a stark choice between their sexuality and their religion, even in liberal countries such as Germany, where same-sex marriage is legal.
Xenophobia and tensions are on the rise in Germany, which is home to about 4 million Muslims — about 5 percent of the population — since it opened its doors to more than 1 million migrants in 2015, many from Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan.
Following a spate of attacks on mosques, German Minister of the Interior Horst Seehofer said in March that Islam does not belong in Germany, clashing with German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s multi-ethnic vision for Europe’s biggest economy.
Sarac’s father, who moved to Germany at the age of six, boasted of beating up gay people when he himself was younger and made his views of homosexuality very clear to the young Sarac.
“My father was rather traditional, not in an Islamic way, but in a Turkish way,” Sarac said. “When my little sister was born, I just wanted to hold her buggy and walk with her, but my father slapped my hand and said, ‘Stop doing that, it’s gay.’”
His father died when he was just 13, leaving Sarac even more vulnerable to radical views, while also battling to suppress his sexuality at school “because as a teenager — as teenagers normally do — I just fell in love with other guys,” he said.
When his friends started talking about becoming Muslim militants, Sarac readily joined the conversation — to deflect any questions on his own sexuality, he said.
“I was struggling between being a normal 14 or 15-year-old guy in Germany and being really religious,” he said. “My friends were very religious, very radical, and when they told me that they were considering going to Syria, I started thinking about it too.”
However, there were other tensions at work.
One turning point was hearing a presenter on The Young Turks, a US-based liberal news show, ask LGBT Muslims: “Why would you believe in a religion or a God if this God hates you, if this God will throw you to hell and let you burn forever?”
When Sarac started worshipping at the Ibn Rushd-Goethe mosque late last year, his radical friends disowned him, but the mosque offered opportunities to explore a more liberal form of Islam.
Founded in June last year by Seyran Ates, a feminist lawyer who was born in Turkey, the mosque allows men and women to pray together.
“We consider ourselves an inclusive mosque,” Imam Susie Dawi told reporters in Berlin. “We have no homophobic attitudes in any form here.”
Yet even among liberal Muslims, there is much work still to be done, she said.
“I have taken lesbian friends, for example, to Muslim friends and they’ve got along wonderfully and I thought that this would change attitudes, but it didn’t somehow ... Maybe it needs time,” she said.
The mosque has recently begun a deradicalization workshop for students to take into German schools.
“The point is to open up people’s minds towards a more liberal understanding of Islam, for example by showing them women in different roles,” rather than the traditional Islamic image of the subservient woman, Dawi said. “There is a female pilot, for example.”
For Sarac, the mosque offers a chance for other LGBT Muslims not to repeat his mistakes.
“I’m 100 percent sure there are many gay Muslims who hide themselves like I did,” he said.
“If you are conflicted, it doesn’t make any sense to listen to one group who tell you that you are going to hell,” he said. “If we want gay Muslims to be happy, we should just open ourselves up and let them be gay [and become] a happy, working part of the Muslim community.”
Taiwanese pragmatism has long been praised when it comes to addressing Chinese attempts to erase Taiwan from the international stage. “Taipei” and the even more inaccurate and degrading “Chinese Taipei,” imposed titles required to participate in international events, are loathed by Taiwanese. That is why there was huge applause in Taiwan when Japanese public broadcaster NHK referred to the Taiwanese Olympic team as “Taiwan,” instead of “Chinese Taipei” during the opening ceremony of the Tokyo Olympics. What is standard protocol for most nations — calling a national team by the name their country is commonly known by — is impossible for
China’s supreme objective in a war across the Taiwan Strait is to incorporate Taiwan as a province of the People’s Republic. It follows, therefore, that international recognition of Taiwan’s de jure independence is a consummation that China’s leaders devoutly wish to avoid. By the same token, an American strategy to deny China that objective would complicate Beijing’s calculus and deter large-scale hostilities. For decades, China has cautioned “independence means war.” The opposite is also true: “war means independence.” A comprehensive strategy of denial would guarantee an outcome of de jure independence for Taiwan in the event of Chinese invasion or
A recent Taipei Times editorial (“A targeted bilingual policy,” March 12, page 8) questioned how the Ministry of Education can justify spending NT$151 million (US$4.74 million) when the spotlighted achievements are English speech competitions and campus tours. It is a fair question, but it focuses on the wrong issue. The problem is not last year’s outcomes failing to meet the bilingual education vision; the issue is that the ministry has abandoned the program that originally justified such a large expenditure. In the early years of Bilingual 2030, the ministry’s K-12 Administration promoted the Bilingual Instruction in Select Domains Program (部分領域課程雙語教學實施計畫).
Former Fijian prime minister Mahendra Chaudhry spoke at the Yushan Forum in Taipei on Monday, saying that while global conflicts were causing economic strife in the world, Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy (NSP) serves as a stabilizing force in the Indo-Pacific region and offers strategic opportunities for small island nations such as Fiji, as well as support in the fields of public health, education, renewable energy and agricultural technology. Taiwan does not have official diplomatic relations with Fiji, but it is one of the small island nations covered by the NSP. Chaudhry said that Fiji, as a sovereign nation, should support