How serious are the nation’s sports bodies about reform? An example involving the Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee (CTOC) says it all: Former Executive Yuan spokesman Sun Lih-chyun (孫立群) of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has confirmed that he will assume the post of secretary-general of the committee in November. Acknowledging that his expertise lies in cross-strait and administrative affairs, and that he is unfamiliar with the sports sector, Sun said he would try his best to learn on the job, adding that he has been watching sports events with former Sports Administration director-general Ho Jow-fei (何卓飛).
This arrangement instantly prompts the question: How is someone whose entire working experience never involved sports qualified to lead a national sports organization?
Sun’s stance on sports affairs has left many shaking their heads and making pessimistic predictions.
On the issue of the referendum campaign calling for the nation to compete as “Taiwan” rather than “Chinese Taipei” at the 2020 Tokyo Olympics and other international sports events and China’s interference with the East Asian Olympic Committee that resulted in the latter revoking Taichung’s right to host the East Asian Youth Games next year, Sun has no harsh words for China.
Aside from failing to chide Beijing for its involvement in the East Asian Olympic Committee’s decision, Sun also stigmatized civil groups’ efforts to get rid of the demeaning appellation of “Chinese Taipei” by stating: “I will try to minimize the influence of political elements as much as possible so that Taiwanese athletes’ right to compete at international competitions can be ensured and not jeopardized.”
Truly pathetic.
Who needs an aggressor like China that incessantly schemes to squeeze Taiwan off the world sports stage when Taiwan has people such as Sun who willingly give up on the fight to demand respect for Taiwanese athletes who bring honor to the nation?
However absurd this appointment is, it is not that surprising given the history of the governing bodies of the nation’s sports associations.
The management of the CTOC — as is the case with other sports associations — is not appointed by the government, but elected by executive committee members. In the case of the CTOC secretary-general, the candidate is first nominated by the CTOC chairman before its executive committee members vote on the nomination.
A glance at the executive committee shows that it is comprised largely of KMT members, such as Taipei mayoral candidate Ting Shou-chung (丁守中) and former legislator Huang Chih-hsiung (黃志雄).
In other words, although the KMT is no longer the ruling party, most of the nation’s sports associations are still under its control and any move on the part of the government to reform the associations would be branded political interference.
Another example is the Chinese Taipei Football Association: As part of the government’s reforms to attempt to eliminate nepotism, and demand transparency and accountability, the Legislative Yuan on Aug. 31 last year passed amendments to the National Sports Act (國民體育法) that allow members of the public to join sports associations and vote for their leaders.
The change was instantly met with opposition from a number of sports associations, with the soccer body filing a complaint with FIFA alleging that the amended law contravened FIFA regulations, as those in power within the soccer body looked to defend their interests under the guise of “no political interference.”
So when exactly can sports associations be freed from the shackles of lingering party-state control?
The image was oddly quiet. No speeches, no flags, no dramatic announcements — just a Chinese cargo ship cutting through arctic ice and arriving in Britain in October. The Istanbul Bridge completed a journey that once existed only in theory, shaving weeks off traditional shipping routes. On paper, it was a story about efficiency. In strategic terms, it was about timing. Much like politics, arriving early matters. Especially when the route, the rules and the traffic are still undefined. For years, global politics has trained us to watch the loud moments: warships in the Taiwan Strait, sanctions announced at news conferences, leaders trading
Eighty-seven percent of Taiwan’s energy supply this year came from burning fossil fuels, with more than 47 percent of that from gas-fired power generation. The figures attracted international attention since they were in October published in a Reuters report, which highlighted the fragility and structural challenges of Taiwan’s energy sector, accumulated through long-standing policy choices. The nation’s overreliance on natural gas is proving unstable and inadequate. The rising use of natural gas does not project an image of a Taiwan committed to a green energy transition; rather, it seems that Taiwan is attempting to patch up structural gaps in lieu of
The Executive Yuan and the Presidential Office on Monday announced that they would not countersign or promulgate the amendments to the Act Governing the Allocation of Government Revenues and Expenditures (財政收支劃分法) passed by the Legislative Yuan — a first in the nation’s history and the ultimate measure the central government could take to counter what it called an unconstitutional legislation. Since taking office last year, the legislature — dominated by the opposition alliance of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party — has passed or proposed a slew of legislation that has stirred controversy and debate, such as extending
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators have twice blocked President William Lai’s (賴清德) special defense budget bill in the Procedure Committee, preventing it from entering discussion or review. Meanwhile, KMT Legislator Chen Yu-jen (陳玉珍) proposed amendments that would enable lawmakers to use budgets for their assistants at their own discretion — with no requirement for receipts, staff registers, upper or lower headcount limits, or usage restrictions — prompting protest from legislative assistants. After the new legislature convened in February, the KMT joined forces with the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) and, leveraging their slim majority, introduced bills that undermine the Constitution, disrupt constitutional