The Winter Olympics coming to South Korea in February offer an example of the Olympian efforts often required to meet corporate sponsorship goals. Tokyo tells a different story: The coffers are already overflowing for the 2020 Summer Games.
It is a tale of two cities and two Olympics — winter and summer.
Pyeongchang is a little-known destination in one of South Korea’s poorest provinces. It is the “little town that could,” bidding twice unsuccessfully for the Winter Olympics before winning on its third try. A final push enabled it to reach its sponsorship target of 940 billion won (US$830 million) last month, with just five months to go.
Tokyo is an established global capital and the Summer Games usually generate more excitement — and more money. Organizers have raised ¥300 billion (US$2.7 billion) in sponsorship, twice any previous Olympics. International Olympic Committee (IOC) vice president John Coates described it as a remarkable achievement.
The divergent experiences of two Asian host cities illustrate the challenges that smaller bidders face, as well as South Korea’s dependence on the big family-owned companies that dominate its economy.
Not that Tokyo is home-free. The cost of the 2020 Games has nearly doubled from initial projections. As with most Olympics, taxpayers will have to foot a good part of the bill.
Starting with the 1988 Seoul Olympics, South Korea has used mega-events such as the soccer World Cup to raise the profile of the country and its manufacturing exporters.
Pyeongchang is different. The project was initiated by local politicians in an area long alienated politically and economically in South Korea’s rise to prosperity. Some feared people would confuse the city’s name with Pyongyang, the North Korean capital. They could not count on the automatic support of the huge family-run conglomerates, known as chaebol, such as Samsung, Hyundai and LG.
“When such mega-events were the nation-state’s key project, the chaebol were called on and were expected to become the leading participants,” said Joo Yu-min, a professor at the National University of Singapore who coauthored a book on South Korea’s use of mega-events.
In the end, the national government brought the conglomerates in, first in the bid process and then for sponsorship. That underscores both the outsized role they play in the economy and their close ties with government. They owe a debt to special treatment from the government, which in turn used them to industrialize the country after the devastating 1950 to 1953 Korean War.
After Pyeongchang’s bid was rejected a second time, the government called on Samsung and others to help. The president even pardoned Lee Kun-hee, the patriarch of the Samsung founding family, who had been an IOC member, but voluntarily suspended his membership after being indicted for tax evasion.
The IOC reinstated Lee in 2010 with a reprimand and some restrictions, allowing him to lobby heavily for what became Pyeongchang’s winning bid in 2011.
It took three years for the organizing committee to sign its first domestic sponsor, KT Corp, the country’s second-largest mobile carrier.
Again, the national government asked the conglomerates for help. All the major ones signed on after the office of then-South Korean president Park Geun-hye made a special request and multichannel pressures for financial assistance, Joo said.
Elsewhere, companies might weigh sponsorship decisions based more on the marketing benefits.
“In South Korea, companies make donations out of a sense of duty that they are being part of the national event,” said Park Dong-min, an executive director overseeing membership at the Korea Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
Sponsors who signed up late were not willing to give as much, because there was less time to enjoy the marketing benefits. A bank that signed on less than a year before the Games significantly reduced its sponsorship.
To top it off, a massive sports-related political corruption scandal rocked South Korea last year, just when Pyeongchang was making last-ditch efforts to raise sponsorship.
“Companies showed some reluctance” to sponsor the Olympics, said Eom Chanwang, director of the Pyeongchang organizing committee marketing team. “Nevertheless, they still joined.”
The scandal brought down Park Gyeun-hye. Lee Jae-yong, the heir to the Samsung group, received a five-year sentence for bribery.
Lee Jae-yong, who has appealed, had become de facto chief of the Samsung group after his father, Lee Kun-hee, fell ill. It was the younger Lee who signed an agreement with IOC president Thomas Bach to extend Samsung Electronics’ sponsorship of the Olympics globally through 2020.
Samsung declined interviews for this story.
With the scandal still fresh in people’s minds, major companies have held back from launching full-fledged marketing to promote the Games.
“Samsung traditionally has done consumer marketing through the Olympics, but because its chief is in jail, it cannot do as much these days,” said Kim Do-kyun, a sports professor at Kyung Hee University Graduate School of Physical Education.
The Pyeongchang Games were the biggest victim of the scandal, he said.
The president of Japan’s biggest toilet manufacturer was seven years old when the Olympics first came to Japan. TOTO Ltd made news in 1964 with its prefabricated toilet-and-bath units that helped speed the construction of a luxury hotel, the New Otani, in time for the Games.
The company, now known for high-tech toilets that baffle some foreign visitors, is back as a sponsor of Tokyo 2020.
“I feel our company and the Olympics have been bonded by fate,” TOTO president Madoka Kitamura said at a sponsorship signing ceremony at the same hotel last year.
The US$2.7 billion in sponsorship for Tokyo 2020 is more than three times the original estimate. By comparison, sponsorship revenue was US$848 million in Rio de Janeiro last year and about US$1.2 billion for both London 2012 and Beijing 2008. The Winter Olympics typically attract less, although Sochi, Russia, raised US$1.2 billion in 2014.
Analysts attribute Tokyo’s success to both patriotism and a sense of nostalgia for the 1964 Summer Games. They were much more than a sports contest for Japan. They were a moment of pride, marking the country’s return as an industrial power after the devastation of World War II and a seven-year US occupation.
“All of Japan still recognizes the unique role that the 1964 Olympics played in Japan’s stepping out onto the world stage,” said Michael Payne, a former IOC marketing director who now works as a consultant.
“Many of the CEOs of top Japanese companies would have been young kids back in ‘64 and are very aware of the role those Games played for the psychological recovery from the Second World War,” he added.
They grew up with the high-speed Shinkansen bullet train, inaugurated in 1964; modern expressways and western-style toilets, all symbols of Japan’s postwar economic growth.
“Now they have become business leaders, they want to contribute and leave something behind that can be remembered for the next 50 years,” Tokyo organizing committee executive director of marketing Masahiko Sakamaki said.
He said that memories of the recovery may have boosted interest in sponsorship, as Japan was still reeling from a deadly 2011 earthquake and tsunami when Tokyo won the bid in 2013.
Sakamaki said the organizing committee started receiving sponsorship inquiries as soon as it was established in 2014, before the official start of sponsorship contracts in 2015.
There is so much interest that the IOC is allowing Tokyo to have multiple sponsors in some categories, instead of the usual one, including in aviation, newspaper publishing, electronics and banking.
TOTO officials would not say how much they are contributing, but media reports said companies in its sponsorship category have given between ¥6 billion and ¥15 billion.
The Tokyo 2020 organizing committee would not comment on those reports.
“We believe our presence as part of an all-Japan effort toward a successful Olympics will enhance our favorable brand image,” TOTO senior planner for sports communication Mariko Shibasaki said.
Thanks in part to robust sponsorship revenue, the organizing committee has increased its contribution to the cost of the Games from ¥500 billion to ¥600 billion.
The sponsorship revenue makes up half of the income in the privately-run organizing committee’s operating budget. Other revenue comes from the IOC, marketing and ticket sales.
The overall cost of the Tokyo Olympics is estimated at ¥1.4 trillion, with the Tokyo government shouldering ¥600 billion and the remaining ¥200 billion paid by the national government and local governments hosting events.
Because much of what former US president Donald Trump says is unhinged and histrionic, it is tempting to dismiss all of it as bunk. Yet the potential future president has a populist knack for sounding alarums that resonate with the zeitgeist — for example, with growing anxiety about World War III and nuclear Armageddon. “We’re a failing nation,” Trump ranted during his US presidential debate against US Vice President Kamala Harris in one particularly meandering answer (the one that also recycled urban myths about immigrants eating cats). “And what, what’s going on here, you’re going to end up in World War
Earlier this month in Newsweek, President William Lai (賴清德) challenged the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to retake the territories lost to Russia in the 19th century rather than invade Taiwan. He stated: “If it is for the sake of territorial integrity, why doesn’t [the PRC] take back the lands occupied by Russia that were signed over in the treaty of Aigun?” This was a brilliant political move to finally state openly what many Chinese in both China and Taiwan have long been thinking about the lost territories in the Russian far east: The Russian far east should be “theirs.” Granted, Lai issued
On Tuesday, President William Lai (賴清德) met with a delegation from the Hoover Institution, a think tank based at Stanford University in California, to discuss strengthening US-Taiwan relations and enhancing peace and stability in the region. The delegation was led by James Ellis Jr, co-chair of the institution’s Taiwan in the Indo-Pacific Region project and former commander of the US Strategic Command. It also included former Australian minister for foreign affairs Marise Payne, influential US academics and other former policymakers. Think tank diplomacy is an important component of Taiwan’s efforts to maintain high-level dialogue with other nations with which it does
On Sept. 2, Elbridge Colby, former deputy assistant secretary of defense for strategy and force development, wrote an article for the Wall Street Journal called “The US and Taiwan Must Change Course” that defends his position that the US and Taiwan are not doing enough to deter the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from taking Taiwan. Colby is correct, of course: the US and Taiwan need to do a lot more or the PRC will invade Taiwan like Russia did against Ukraine. The US and Taiwan have failed to prepare properly to deter war. The blame must fall on politicians and policymakers