Tomorrow, Hong Kong is to elect a new chief executive.
Elect? Not really, given that the process is strictly limited to a 1,194-member committee that has always been stacked in favor of pro-China elements, and Beijing has made it clear which candidate it prefers.
Beijing likes the glimmer of democratic process with which it coats its rule of Hong Kong and Macau, just as it likes to pretend that the Chinese National People’s Congress (NPC) provides democratic support for the Chinese Communist Party’s authoritarian rule.
Yet it is just the barest gloss. Scratch the surface, and Zhongnanhai’s iron fist can easily be seen.
However, this was the year that was supposed to be different, the year that the NPC’s Standing Committee in 2007 said that the chief executive’s election “might” be implemented through universal suffrage.
Seven years later, the Standing Committee was much more nervous, and so on Aug. 31, 2014, it declared that this year’s candidates would have to be nominated by a committee stacked along the lines of the Election Committee, and there could only be two or three candidates.
That decision was the kindling that lit the “Umbrella movement” protests that led to Hong Kong’s Legislative Council rejecting the government’s electoral reform proposal on June 18, 2015.
Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying (梁振英), with his tough stance against the pro-democracy movement, had been expected to seek re-election until his surprise announcement in early December last year that he would not. That announcement came just two days before the poll to pick the 733 Election Commission seats that needed to be filled.
The turnout for that Dec. 11 poll was 46 percent of eligible voters, nearly double that of the previous such poll in 2011, reflecting the growing demand for a greater voice from Hong Kongers in government.
Nevertheless, Hong Kong ended up with three candidates for its stage-managed poll, which limits any real chance of change: former chief secretary for administration Carrie Lam (林鄭月娥), former secretary of finance John Tsang (曾俊華) and retired judge Woo Kwok-hing (胡國興), although Woo, a progressive, has so little support that he is hardly worth mentioning.
Yet for all its efforts, Beijing does not have a great track record with its chief executive picks.
Tung Chee-hwa (董建華) won the first election in July 1997 and a second term in 2002, but became so unpopular that he resigned in 2005, citing ill health.
Donald Tsang (曾蔭權) was elected to complete Tung’s second term and then won his own term in 2007, but left office five years later tainted by allegations that he had accepted favors from tycoons.
He was investigated by Hong Kong’s Independent Commission Against Corruption after stepping down, and in December 2015 became the highest-ranking official in the territory ever to face a corruption trial. Last month he was convicted and sentenced to 20 months in prison.
The current chief executive was not Beijing’s first choice to replace Donald Tsang. Former chief secretary for administration Henry Tang (唐英年) was seen as the likely winner in 2012, but a controversy of an illegal basement in one of his homes — part of a string of scandals — doomed his candidacy.
Lam was a strong proponent of the electoral reform package that was voted down last year and is widely considered Beijing’s choice for the post. She also won the most nominations to be a candidate, although John Tsang is considered more popular among the territory’s residents.
However, since the entire system is designed to deny the average Hong Konger a voice, it would appear that congratulations are in order for Lam, even before the Election Committee members cast their secret ballots tomorrow.
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