As the nation reels from Typhoon Megi, China’s Taiwan Affairs Office on Wednesday renewed its efforts to press President Tsai Ing-wen’s (蔡英文) administration to acknowledge the so-called “1992 consensus.”
At a news conference in Beijing, office spokesman Ma Xiaoguang (馬曉光) pointed at Tsai and her Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) as the sole parties responsible for Taiwan’s exclusion from this year’s International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) assembly and any impediments to maintaining peaceful cross-strait development that had been observed during the previous Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) administration.
“Since May 20, the peaceful cross-strait development and achievements seen in the past eight years have been severely undermined, dealing significant damage to the vital interests of Taiwanese. We all know on whom falls the responsibility for the current situation,” Ma said in response to questions from reporters, in a clear reference to Tsai’s administration.
Ma went on to reiterate that adherence to the “1992 consensus” is a key element in maintaining peaceful cross-strait development, saying that the “consensus” is something the leader of Taiwan cannot bypass regardless of the stances they take.
As for the Tsai administration’s assertion that Taiwan’s participation at the ICAO assembly is necessary for the fulfillment of the nation’s international responsibility for aviation safety, Ma said the DPP administration should reflect on why Taipei was able to attend the assembly three years ago, but not now.
“It should refrain from making unfair criticisms of Beijing and seeking to mislead public opinion by using Taiwan’s aviation safety as a pretext,” Ma said.
It is not surprising that China has been stepping up pressure on Tsai in recent weeks, since she is to deliver her first Double Ten National Day speech in less than two weeks.
All eyes would be on Tsai, especially after her inaugural address — in which she merely expressed respect for the historical facts of the “1992 cross-strait talks,” rather than accepting the “consensus,” as China had wanted — was described by Beijing as an “incomplete test.”
Tsai’s Oct. 10 speech will likely be treated by Beijing as another test of the effectiveness of the intimidation and other tactics it has adopted — such as internationally humiliating Taiwan by having Taiwanese fraud suspects deported to China, trying to suppress Taipei’s international activities and cutting down the number of Chinese tourists to Taiwan — since her inauguration.
By placing the blame on the DPP administration for a situation it has single-handedly orchestrated, Beijing intends to drive a wedge between Tsai and Taiwanese, in the apparent hope of stirring up public pressure to push the president to cave in to its demands.
However, not much would be accomplished if Tsai compromises on her cross-strait policy just to appease Beijing and win back the support of those who hold her accountable for soured Taiwan-China relations.
It would not satisfy China, which seeks to push Taiwan toward Beijing’s ultimate goal of unification. Also, it could cost Tsai and the DPP the support of a growing force within Taiwanese society that believes in self-determination and keeping a distance from Beijing.
What Tsai says in her Oct. 10 speech will serve as a test of not only whether she can withstand Beijing’s unreasonable demands and growing assertiveness, but also if she knows what is best for future generations of Taiwanese.
Two sets of economic data released last week by the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS) have drawn mixed reactions from the public: One on the nation’s economic performance in the first quarter of the year and the other on Taiwan’s household wealth distribution in 2021. GDP growth for the first quarter was faster than expected, at 6.51 percent year-on-year, an acceleration from the previous quarter’s 4.93 percent and higher than the agency’s February estimate of 5.92 percent. It was also the highest growth since the second quarter of 2021, when the economy expanded 8.07 percent, DGBAS data showed. The growth
In the intricate ballet of geopolitics, names signify more than mere identification: They embody history, culture and sovereignty. The recent decision by China to refer to Arunachal Pradesh as “Tsang Nan” or South Tibet, and to rename Tibet as “Xizang,” is a strategic move that extends beyond cartography into the realm of diplomatic signaling. This op-ed explores the implications of these actions and India’s potential response. Names are potent symbols in international relations, encapsulating the essence of a nation’s stance on territorial disputes. China’s choice to rename regions within Indian territory is not merely a linguistic exercise, but a symbolic assertion
More than seven months into the armed conflict in Gaza, the International Court of Justice ordered Israel to take “immediate and effective measures” to protect Palestinians in Gaza from the risk of genocide following a case brought by South Africa regarding Israel’s breaches of the 1948 Genocide Convention. The international community, including Amnesty International, called for an immediate ceasefire by all parties to prevent further loss of civilian lives and to ensure access to life-saving aid. Several protests have been organized around the world, including at the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA) and many other universities in the US.
Every day since Oct. 7 last year, the world has watched an unprecedented wave of violence rain down on Israel and the occupied Palestinian Territories — more than 200 days of constant suffering and death in Gaza with just a seven-day pause. Many of us in the American expatriate community in Taiwan have been watching this tragedy unfold in horror. We know we are implicated with every US-made “dumb” bomb dropped on a civilian target and by the diplomatic cover our government gives to the Israeli government, which has only gotten more extreme with such impunity. Meantime, multicultural coalitions of US