It is likely to be a long time before a proper evaluation can be made of the performance of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government that took office on May 20.
However, some claims in the past two weeks have raised concerns among some civic groups that there might be little chance for the change in government to mean great changes.
The import of US pork, while yet to be put on the political agenda, has been curiously trumpeted by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) as a DPP flip-flop. This is because the KMT knows that as long as Taiwan shows an interest in joining the Trans-Pacific Partnership — which the KMT also supports — there will be pressure from the US for the opening of the nation’s pork market.
Other than promising to protect pig farmers’ interests, Premier Lin Chuan (林全) said that DPP lawmakers had “zero tolerance” of ractopamine — a leanness-enhancing feed additive found in US pork — before an international standard, set by Codex Alimentarius, is established.
The KMT might accuse the DPP caucus of flip-flopping on the issue, but President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文), during a television debate before January’s presidential election, did not make any promises when asked about possible pressure from the US to allow the imports.
She called for measures to bolster the nation’s pig farming industry to face fierce competition.
Tsai has always been cautious in her statements, which is probably why she refrains from making impromptu responses to questions from the media.
However, the DPP administration was voted in not just for the promises it has made, but also for what it stands for. “Taiwan-ness” and a strong stance against nuclear power have been the party’s core values, and people expected the new government to exemplify the meaning of change; after the ousting of a government that was accused of being pro-China and castigated for standing by nuclear power.
The unilateral announcement of the possible reactivation of the No. 1 reactor at the Jinshan Nuclear Power Plant shocked the public and riled environmental groups, who were later called on to participate in a meeting for “communication” purposes only after the announcement had been made.
If communication is indeed one of the new government’s strengths, then discretion and vigilance — as Tsai once said: “Eight years of accumulation [of efforts] could easily give way to eight seconds of slips of the tongue” — is required by the Cabinet before it announces policies, which is certainly better than retracting them after being challenged.
The “feelers” put out by the Executive Yuan have been harshly criticized, even by DPP lawmakers.
While the premier said that the nation’s nuclear power plants would be retired as scheduled and that the goal of a nuclear-free homeland by 2025 is unchanged, what is worrying is the nonchalance shown by the sudden pronouncement.
A strong stance against nuclear power has been one of the party’s main pillars since its establishment, and it risks more disapproval from its supporters than the KMT if the administration chooses to borrow the language used by its predecessor when facing similar problems.
The “Chinese Taipei” controversy is also upsetting for those who had high expectations of the new government for an alternative rhetoric vis-a-vis the “Chinese-centered” one epitomized by the former administration.
The international environment is unfriendly and Beijing is watching Tsai for signs to attack her, but the complete absence of “Taiwan” in Minister of Health and Welfare Lin Tzou-yien’s (林奏延) WHA speech is probably puzzling for not only Taiwanese, but also the international community.
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