Over the past few weeks, the Saudi Arabian government of has been engaged in an unprecedented strategic policy review that could have ramifications for every aspect of the nation’s social and economic life. The full details are expected to be announced this month, but it is already clear that the kingdom — the world’s nineteenth-largest economy — is in desperate need of far-reaching reform.
There are two reasons why change has become urgent. The first is the dramatic drop in international oil prices, from more than US$100 per barrel in the middle of 2014 to below US$40 today. With oil exports accounting for nearly 90 percent of government revenue, the pressure on Saudi finances has been intense; the fiscal balance has swung from a small surplus in 2013 to a deficit of more than 21 percent of GDP last year, projections by the IMF show.
The second reason is demographic. In the next 15 years, about 6 million young Saudis will reach working age, putting enormous pressure on the labor market and potentially doubling its size.
Illustration: Kevin Sheu
It is easy to be pessimistic about this confluence of circumstances and many international commentators are, but there are also good reasons for optimism, most notably the new Saudi leadership’s recognition of the challenge and the possibilities that addressing them could create.
McKinsey Global Institute research shows that Saudi Arabia has the potential to double its GDP and create 6 million additional jobs by 2030, enough to absorb the influx of young men — and, increasingly, young women — entering the labor market.
However, to accomplish this the kingdom is likely to have to dramatically reduce its unhealthy dependence on oil — a strategic goal that has been long discussed, but never implemented.
Saudi Arabia has many sectors with strong potential for expansion. The nation has substantial untapped deposits of metals and non-metallic minerals, including phosphate, gold, zinc, bauxite and high-quality silica. Its retail sector is already expanding quickly, but it lags behind in areas like e-merchandizing and supply-chain efficiencies.
The nation’s tourism sector could be developed and upgraded, not only for the millions of Muslim pilgrims who visit the holy sites of Mecca and Medina every year, but also for leisure tourists. Saudi Arabia has a long coastline on the Red Sea, as well as other unspoiled areas of natural beauty that could attract visitors. The manufacturing sector, too, could be built up; at the moment, the kingdom has only small-scale domestic manufacturing, despite being one of the largest markets in the region for cars, machinery and other capital goods.
Exploiting these opportunities will require trillions of US dollars in investment, radical improvements in productivity and the government’s firm, sustained commitment. Doubling GDP over the next 15 years is likely to necessitate about US$4 trillion in investment, two-and-a-half times the amount of money that flowed into the kingdom’s economy during the 2003 to 2013 oil boom.
Attaining this level of investment would require radical policy reforms. During the oil boom, the state increased public-sector wages and social-welfare transfers — and thus was a major contributor to households’ increasing prosperity. The public sector continues to dominate most aspects of the economy, especially employment; about 70 percent of Saudi nationals work for the state.
However, transforming the economy would require the participation of investors and businesses; indeed, we calculate that by 2025, at least 70 percent of the investment should come from the private sector. Achieving this would require overhauling the nation’s regulatory and legal framework.
It would also require large improvements in productivity. Saudi Arabia’s productivity growth has lagged behind that of most other G20 nations, rising by just 0.8 percent in the past decade. Jump-starting productivity growth would require reworking the kingdom’s restrictions on business and labor practices. For now, the Saudi economy relies heavily on low-wage and low-productivity foreign workers on limited contracts; indeed, such workers hold more than half the jobs in the nation. That would have to change if the economy is to raise productivity and modernize its non-oil sectors.
The kingdom’s new leadership has some difficult, but important choices to make as it formulates a detailed economic strategy. The most important priorities include boosting the efficiency of government spending and developing new sources of revenue to replace oil exports.
The government has a number of options for new revenue, including a reform of wasteful energy subsidies and the introduction of levies that are standard in the G20, such as value-added tax.
Weaning Saudi Arabia’s economy off oil will not be easy and the kingdom has an uneven track record in this regard, but there are encouraging early signs about the government’s focus, energy and determination.
One is the recent decision to levy a tax on unused land that could be developed for housing. Another is the new inter-ministerial coordination and cooperation that appears to be taking place under the auspices of the Council of Economic and Development Affairs, a body established in January last year.
If the government is able to sustain its resolve over the years it will take to set the economy firmly on a new trajectory, the kingdom is likely to be thoroughly transformed — for the better.
Gassan al-Kibsi is managing director of McKinsey and Company, Saudi Arabia.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
Two sets of economic data released last week by the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS) have drawn mixed reactions from the public: One on the nation’s economic performance in the first quarter of the year and the other on Taiwan’s household wealth distribution in 2021. GDP growth for the first quarter was faster than expected, at 6.51 percent year-on-year, an acceleration from the previous quarter’s 4.93 percent and higher than the agency’s February estimate of 5.92 percent. It was also the highest growth since the second quarter of 2021, when the economy expanded 8.07 percent, DGBAS data showed. The growth
In the intricate ballet of geopolitics, names signify more than mere identification: They embody history, culture and sovereignty. The recent decision by China to refer to Arunachal Pradesh as “Tsang Nan” or South Tibet, and to rename Tibet as “Xizang,” is a strategic move that extends beyond cartography into the realm of diplomatic signaling. This op-ed explores the implications of these actions and India’s potential response. Names are potent symbols in international relations, encapsulating the essence of a nation’s stance on territorial disputes. China’s choice to rename regions within Indian territory is not merely a linguistic exercise, but a symbolic assertion
More than seven months into the armed conflict in Gaza, the International Court of Justice ordered Israel to take “immediate and effective measures” to protect Palestinians in Gaza from the risk of genocide following a case brought by South Africa regarding Israel’s breaches of the 1948 Genocide Convention. The international community, including Amnesty International, called for an immediate ceasefire by all parties to prevent further loss of civilian lives and to ensure access to life-saving aid. Several protests have been organized around the world, including at the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA) and many other universities in the US.
Every day since Oct. 7 last year, the world has watched an unprecedented wave of violence rain down on Israel and the occupied Palestinian Territories — more than 200 days of constant suffering and death in Gaza with just a seven-day pause. Many of us in the American expatriate community in Taiwan have been watching this tragedy unfold in horror. We know we are implicated with every US-made “dumb” bomb dropped on a civilian target and by the diplomatic cover our government gives to the Israeli government, which has only gotten more extreme with such impunity. Meantime, multicultural coalitions of US