During the eight years of his administration, the one political achievement that President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has most enjoyed flaunting to the outside world is having improved Taiwan’s relationship with China, which Ma never fails to emphasize is a result of adhering to the so-called “1992 consensus.”
In reality, the side effects of this “consensus” have begun surfacing in front of the public eye one after the other. This includes Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) presidential candidate Hung Hsiu-chu’s (洪秀柱) surprising reluctance to acknowledge the existence of the Republic of China (ROC), which is tantamount to renouncing national sovereignty.
Before leaving for Beijing to attend last week’s military parade, former vice president Lien Chan (連戰) said his visit was in accordance with the wishes of his fellow Taiwanese and would help improve reciprocity and respect between the two sides.As it happened, upon arriving in Beijing, Lien adjusted his view of history to suit that of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP): Instead of the eight-year Second Sino-Japanese War, Lien talked about “14 years of blood, sweat and tears,” which is the CCP’s official interpretation of the conflict.
During his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平), Lien, basing his remarks on the “1992 consensus,” said not only that the KMT and the CCP “jointly resisted” Japan, but also that “KMT forces led by Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) fought ... on the front lines and the CCP forces led by Mao Zedong (毛澤東) ... fought behind enemy lines.”
He ended his remarks by saying that “China recovered Taiwan.”
Lien has sided with Beijing’s “one China” policy and cast aside the KMT and Ma’s policy of “one China, each side with its own interpretation.” This shows the true meaning of the “1992 consensus”: There is only “one China” and there can be no other interpretation. When Lien confirmed that he would accept Beijing’s invitation, Ma sent him a furious message, yet publicly, Ma simply said that it was “inappropriate.”
KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) issued a woolly statement calling on Lien to “uphold the three principles,” which was completely ineffective.
The response from the blue camp stands in stark contrast to the vehement criticism of former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), which included calls for Lee to be expelled from the party because of an interview he gave in Japan.
The imbroglio over the military parade has revealed the pro-China faction within the KMT to be non-homogenous. In fact, the faction can be divided into two groups.
First, there is the rapid unification group, represented by Hung, which is bent on unification with China and clings to a false historical interpretation of Chinese history.
The Hung faction, dancing to Beijing’s tune, came up with the phrase “one China, same interpretation” and has even praised Lien’s trip to China. This group is not just thoroughly ignorant, but beyond redemption.
The second group within the pro-China faction is led by Lien and is comprised of facilitators for Taiwanese corporations. This group holds a monopoly over the dividends of cross-strait trade. Having become the representative of the CCP in Taiwan, it takes orders from Beijing.
The CCP’s gargantuan military parade had the effect of holding up a mirror to the KMT and revealed the true nature of the party: outwardly harmonious, inwardly divided.
Following Lien and Xi’s rewriting of history in Beijing, a life-and-death struggle is about to take place within the inner circles of the pan-blue camp.
Jack Wu is an adjunct professor at National Hsinchu University of Education.
Translated by Edward Jones
George Santayana wrote: “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” This article will help readers avoid repeating mistakes by examining four examples from the civil war between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) forces and the Republic of China (ROC) forces that involved two city sieges and two island invasions. The city sieges compared are Changchun (May to October 1948) and Beiping (November 1948 to January 1949, renamed Beijing after its capture), and attempts to invade Kinmen (October 1949) and Hainan (April 1950). Comparing and contrasting these examples, we can learn how Taiwan may prevent a war with
A recent trio of opinion articles in this newspaper reflects the growing anxiety surrounding Washington’s reported request for Taiwan to shift up to 50 percent of its semiconductor production abroad — a process likely to take 10 years, even under the most serious and coordinated effort. Simon H. Tang (湯先鈍) issued a sharp warning (“US trade threatens silicon shield,” Oct. 4, page 8), calling the move a threat to Taiwan’s “silicon shield,” which he argues deters aggression by making Taiwan indispensable. On the same day, Hsiao Hsi-huei (蕭錫惠) (“Responding to US semiconductor policy shift,” Oct. 4, page 8) focused on
Taiwan is rapidly accelerating toward becoming a “super-aged society” — moving at one of the fastest rates globally — with the proportion of elderly people in the population sharply rising. While the demographic shift of “fewer births than deaths” is no longer an anomaly, the nation’s legal framework and social customs appear stuck in the last century. Without adjustments, incidents like last month’s viral kicking incident on the Taipei MRT involving a 73-year-old woman would continue to proliferate, sowing seeds of generational distrust and conflict. The Senior Citizens Welfare Act (老人福利法), originally enacted in 1980 and revised multiple times, positions older
Taiwan’s business-friendly environment and science parks designed to foster technology industries are the key elements of the nation’s winning chip formula, inspiring the US and other countries to try to replicate it. Representatives from US business groups — such as the Greater Phoenix Economic Council, and the Arizona-Taiwan Trade and Investment Office — in July visited the Hsinchu Science Park (新竹科學園區), home to Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co’s (TSMC) headquarters and its first fab. They showed great interest in creating similar science parks, with aims to build an extensive semiconductor chain suitable for the US, with chip designing, packaging and manufacturing. The
RSS