What does the emergence of Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱) as a potential presidential candidate for the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) portend? On one hand, it means the crisis for the more-than-century-old KMT could mark a turning point for the party’s institutionalization. On the other hand, Hung’s hawkish views on the idea of “one China,” combined with her rise to prominence, could herald the party’s demise if it takes no exception to Hung’s ideology.
The KMT had not needed or used an institutionalized primary system since the nation held its first presidential election in 1996. Over the course of five elections, the KMT’s candidates emerged from a consensus in the party — all candidates had been serving as chairman except President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), who resigned in 2007 due to a legal investigation against him, but was re-elected as chairman after 2008.
KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) has repeatedly said that primary rules should be resolutely followed to set a precedent. The party would suffer serious damage should it break the rules, as it would mean a return to its prior tradition of arbitrary rule. Hung is a candidate borne of transparent procedures — with a few small changes that have nevertheless been made on the way — and would help dispel concerns about the KMT’s arbitrariness.
However, Hung being tapped as the KMT’s presidential candidate would say a great deal about the predicament in which the party would find itself in. She is definitely not the party’s first choice. Should she secure the candidacy, it would insinuate that the rift between Ma and Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) remains unbridgeable, to the point where the president would rather have Hung represent the party than risk Wang taking his place.
Even without the intrigues of the Ma-Wang power struggle, Hung’s potential candidacy is also the result of the KMT’s heavyweights foreseeing an uphill battle and what the implications of losing would mean for their political careers, and consequently choosing not to run.
The infighting between Ma and Wang hints at the unsolved, entrenched Mainlander-local problem in the KMT. Hung’s background makes her a suitable choice for the party hardliners’ needs, but at the same time pushes the KMT away from the general public.
While it is true that the KMT has never before faced a presidential race as controversial as next year’s election, the disappearance of the party’s “A-list” politicians from the primary limelight has left Hung, a wholehearted believer in the party as the guardian of the Republic of China (ROC) — which in their line of thought can, but does not necessarily have to be, synonymous with Taiwan — to pick up the baton and stand firm against an opposition that calls for Taiwan-centered values.
“A-listers” are the party’s stars for a reason. They are vote-sensitive enough to show they care about political trends. However, Hung espousing the ideology that the ROC is China and her strong antagonism to the idea of Taiwanese independence are not likely to serve the party well in the election, considering the nation’s recent political mood.
She might even make compromises to this ideology due to pressure from KMT legislative candidates in the months leading up to the election.
Will Hung be the one to lead the party and the nation to what she calls the “correct way,” or will she help further marginalize the KMT in a society that is showing little patience for unrealistic irredentism? Only time will tell.
A gap appears to be emerging between Washington’s foreign policy elites and the broader American public on how the United States should respond to China’s rise. From my vantage working at a think tank in Washington, DC, and through regular travel around the United States, I increasingly experience two distinct discussions. This divergence — between America’s elite hawkishness and public caution — may become one of the least appreciated and most consequential external factors influencing Taiwan’s security environment in the years ahead. Within the American policy community, the dominant view of China has grown unmistakably tough. Many members of Congress, as
After declaring Iran’s military “gone,” US President Donald Trump appealed to the UK, France, Japan and South Korea — as well as China, Iran’s strategic partner — to send minesweepers and naval forces to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. When allies balked, the request turned into a warning: NATO would face “a very bad” future if it refused. The prevailing wisdom is that Trump faces a credibility problem: having spent years insulting allies, he finds they would not rally when he needs them. That is true, but superficial, as though a structural collapse could be caused by wounded feelings. Something
Former Taipei mayor and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) founding chairman Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) was sentenced to 17 years in prison on Thursday, making headlines across major media. However, another case linked to the TPP — the indictment of Chinese immigrant Xu Chunying (徐春鶯) for alleged violations of the Anti-Infiltration Act (反滲透法) on Tuesday — has also stirred up heated discussions. Born in Shanghai, Xu became a resident of Taiwan through marriage in 1993. Currently the director of the Taiwan New Immigrant Development Association, she was elected to serve as legislator-at-large for the TPP in 2023, but was later charged with involvement
Out of 64 participating universities in this year’s Stars Program — through which schools directly recommend their top students to universities for admission — only 19 filled their admissions quotas. There were 922 vacancies, down more than 200 from last year; top universities had 37 unfilled places, 40 fewer than last year. The original purpose of the Stars Program was to expand admissions to a wider range of students. However, certain departments at elite universities that failed to meet their admissions quotas are not improving. Vacancies at top universities are linked to students’ program preferences on their applications, but inappropriate admission
RSS