The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) had a landslide victory in the nine-in-one elections on Saturday last week, winning 13 of the 22 mayoral seats up for grabs. This has great implications for the nation’s political development.
After the elections, it is time to reflect on the question: Is Taiwan on the road to serfdom or on the road to human emancipation within the democratic framework of “party-state” capitalism?
First, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), led by President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), tried to forcibly pass the cross-strait service trade agreement through the Legislative Yuan, sparking massive protests and giving rise to the Sunflower movement early this year.
This means that a connection between the public and party-state democracy is rightly loose and that Taiwanese are questioning Ma’s cross-strait economic policy.
Some acrimonious critics say that democracy within party-state capitalism benefits only a few corporations and specific interest groups, rather than being a “win-win” situation between national development and local governance.
BALANCING ACT
Facing the heavy pressure of free-trade invasion within the context of global capitalism, how to strike a balance between local governance and national development is a critical issue and leaves much room for civic dialogue and ideological debates after the elections.
Second, some critics say that the DPP has regained the ethos of local governance and that Ma has become a lame-duck president besieged by local governments.
However, I partly disagree with this argument, because while the election’s outcome means the collapse and crisis of KMT governance, the DPP’s political governance — especially its cross-strait economic policy and diplomatic policy — is still swaying back and forth.
Strictly speaking, the DPP did win the elections,but not necessarily the people’s hearts.
Specifically, the DPP won the elections on a vote of “no confidence” in Ma’s governance, rather than a vote of confidence in the DPP’s governance, within the two-party framework.
In this new political environment, how to transcend the vicious struggle between the KMT and the DPP and create a just society is another democratic challenge.
Third, the turnout rate of about 70 percent demonstrates the rise of new civic politics which stresses the subjectivity of people’s political participation.
It is notable that this election raised young people’s concerns and made them believe in the possibility of structural transformation based on direct political participation.
PEOPLE’S POWER
The stirring Do You Hear the People Sing? number in the musical adaptation of Victor Hugo’s novel Les Miserables reflects the voice of younger generations implicitly telling the ruling party that people have the absolute right and ability to uphold and depose any political parties or individuals.
People in different counties are breaking through the party-state democracy led by the KMT and rebuilding a new social order of civic society in Taiwan.
Whether the DPP can take on this responsibility after the collapse of the party-state democracy depends on the DPP’s ideological stances and how it can achieve an optimal balance between citizens’ needs, city development and the core value of social justice.
Chung Ming-lung is a doctoral candidate at University of Sheffield in England.
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
In an op-ed published in Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) said that Taiwan should not have to choose between aligning with Beijing or Washington, and advocated for cooperation with Beijing under the so-called “1992 consensus” as a form of “strategic ambiguity.” However, Cheng has either misunderstood the geopolitical reality and chosen appeasement, or is trying to fool an international audience with her doublespeak; nonetheless, it risks sending the wrong message to Taiwan’s democratic allies and partners. Cheng stressed that “Taiwan does not have to choose,” as while Beijing and Washington compete, Taiwan is strongest when