What is stopping Taiwan and China from establishing friendly state-to-state relations? Only if Taiwanese keep this question in mind can they avoid being ensnared in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) idea of China.
Taiwanese must think about it, as must the Chinese. Relations between Taiwan and China cannot be based solely on the political calculations of the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The issue calls for a global historical perspective and progressive thinking.
If Taiwan and China agree to exist as separate independent states, the nations can live together in friendship and peace.
The brotherly relationship between the US and the UK is a good example. Plenty of Taiwanese live in the US, and more Chinese are doing the same. The US broke away from Britain by winning its War of Independence and later built a close friendship with the UK.
In the past, relations between Taiwan and China were entangled in the enmity between the KMT and CCP. The struggle between the “Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) clique” and “Mao Zedong’s (毛澤東) bandits” scattered China’s blood and tears onto the soil of Taiwan.
Chiang used to say that “gentlemen and bandits cannot coexist.” Now, the Republic of China (ROC) and the People’s Republic of China have swapped roles, with the former looking more like an outlaw on the world stage. The CCP seems to be waiting to finish off the KMT’s ROC, which it sees as a “false China.”
Where the two sides once stood as enemies, they now make use of one another, yet the CCP’s goal of eliminating the ROC remains unchanged.
What if Taiwan were to emerge as a new nation, other than the ROC? Could the Chinese revolution, which the CCP believes it has yet to finish, become finished when the old history comes to an end? Would history be clarified without the clouds of confusion stirred up by the KMT’s idea of China? At last, the curtain could fall on the disputes between the two political parties, which have had such an unsettling effect on Asian and world history.
Would that not be a worthy new choice?
It depends on Taiwanese will. It depends on whether they are able to break free of the KMT and its constraints. For the original Taiwanese — Aborigines and the descendants of early Han settlers — the colonial syndrome has written a sad history. For the more recently arrived Taiwanese, their colonial syndrome — that of fleeing and living in exile — is a bitter story, too.
Maybe we should think about how the US gained its independence. Were the founding fathers of US independence not British colonialists and their descendants? Yet they broke away from Britain, in the name of freedom. In creating a new country and the American dream, they also brought a new enlightenment to the British empire.
Only when the ROC is relegated to the pages of history can the sadness and bitterness of history be brought to a close, and not only for Taiwan. China, too, will see a new political climate when that day comes.
The KMT, out of its own self-interest, will not willingly let go of the nation, and that is Taiwan’s predicament.
Human life comes to an end, but the cycle of life and death can lead to the birth of a nation. Only when it is born as a nation can Taiwan escape from its post-war history, in which the sad story of its original inhabitants and the bitter story of the exiled newcomers have been intertwined. Only then can Taiwan embark on a truly friendly and peaceful relationship with China. Only then will China be able to behave as, and be seen as, a truly civilized country.
It can be done, so why hold back?
Lee Min-yung is a poet.
Translated by Julian Clegg
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval