The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) was defeated in last month’s presidential and legislative elections, but now it needs to move on from the loss and get down to business. It needs to pull itself together and start behaving like an opposition party. It owes it to the more than 6 million people who cast their votes for DPP presidential candidate Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文).
Here are four of the things Taiwanese are worrying about these days:
First, on his first day in office, Premier Sean Chen (陳冲) irresponsibly declared that the leanness-enhancing agent ractopamine is not toxic. Presumably this statement was meant to pave the way for imports of US beef, but people are still concerned about the issue.
Second, President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) government wants to speed up negotiations for a US-Taiwan Trade and Investment Framework Agreement and people are asking what effect such a pact would have on sectors such as animal husbandry, machinery, steel and textiles.
Third, the Ministry of Finance will soon put forward tax reforms, but will it really be possible to cut taxes for business owners and raise salaries for employees as promised?
Fourth, the Council for Economic Planning and Development will soon start setting up model free economic zones. It sounds like a big gift for southern Taiwan, but will people really get to enjoy the benefits?
Issues relating to the interests of the majority of Taiwanese keep popping up, but the DPP is nowhere to be seen. The country’s main opposition party has been so passive and inactive recently that people may soon begin to wonder whether it still exists.
Why has the DPP disappeared? The answer is that the party has become incapable of guiding progressive values in Taiwan.
In this respect, the main things that count are political, economic and social forces, the changing interactions between these three forces, and the role of non-profit organizations and campaigns. Things that need to be discussed include class relations, national identity, globalization, cross-strait relations and how these factors are affecting the development of social forces in Taiwan.
From its inception until it took up the reins of government in 2000, the DPP has had plenty of connections with workers, farmers, small business owners and social movement groups. It stood for a variety of issues, such as ending martial law, lifting the ban on opposition parties and newspapers, radical reform of the legislature and National Assembly, direct election of all lawmakers, social rights, including those of workers, farmers and women, and environmental rights. All of these standpoints represented progressive values in Taiwan and they found expression in the DPP’s “1999 Resolution on Taiwan’s Future.”
Although the DPP became more distanced from social and campaigning groups after it got into power, it was able to continue to guide progressive values. This is because it took up many of the issues that those groups stood for and implemented them as government policies — things like the National Pension (國民年金), the reform of work hours and the Labor Pension Act (勞工退休金條例).
Even the “Two Trillion and Twin Star Development Plan”, promoting semiconductors, color-image displays, digital content and biotechnology, that the DPP government launched in 2002 to meet the needs of industrial restructuring, to a large extent promoted social as well as economic interests. Of course, the corruption case against two-term DPP president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) badly tarnished the party’s clean and progressive image and caused it to be voted out of office in 2008.
Although the DPP made calls for fairness and justice a cornerstone of its campaign for last month’s elections, it did not manage to closely link up with social movements. Tsai’s proposal that professional politicians should represent the progressive demands of social groups amounted to a declaration by the DPP that it was cutting off its links with disadvantaged groups like workers and farmers, and with civic groups.
With respect to cross-strait relations and business development, the DPP has fallen out of touch with local business groups like the Hollywant Associations and Industrial Park Associations. As a result, the party lacked support from social groups for the policy positions it put forward. The result was that the DPP lost a lot of its ability to represent progressive values.
The challenges of globalization and economic liberalization, loss of farmland and industrial restructuring are all sure to have an impact on the entire structure of society. Ma and his newly appointed “financial Cabinet” are gradually defining and deciding what policies to follow in response to these trends, while at the same time having their room to maneuver limited by China and the US.
The DPP will have to grapple with analyzing the new face of Taiwanese society if it is to come up with corresponding policy proposals of its own and formulate new targets to guide progressive values from this point onward.
Hung Chi-kune is a member of the Democratic Progressive Party’s Central Executive Committee.
Translated by Julian Clegg
Two sets of economic data released last week by the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS) have drawn mixed reactions from the public: One on the nation’s economic performance in the first quarter of the year and the other on Taiwan’s household wealth distribution in 2021. GDP growth for the first quarter was faster than expected, at 6.51 percent year-on-year, an acceleration from the previous quarter’s 4.93 percent and higher than the agency’s February estimate of 5.92 percent. It was also the highest growth since the second quarter of 2021, when the economy expanded 8.07 percent, DGBAS data showed. The growth
In the intricate ballet of geopolitics, names signify more than mere identification: They embody history, culture and sovereignty. The recent decision by China to refer to Arunachal Pradesh as “Tsang Nan” or South Tibet, and to rename Tibet as “Xizang,” is a strategic move that extends beyond cartography into the realm of diplomatic signaling. This op-ed explores the implications of these actions and India’s potential response. Names are potent symbols in international relations, encapsulating the essence of a nation’s stance on territorial disputes. China’s choice to rename regions within Indian territory is not merely a linguistic exercise, but a symbolic assertion
At the same time as more than 30 military aircraft were detected near Taiwan — one of the highest daily incursions this year — with some flying as close as 37 nautical miles (69kms) from the northern city of Keelung, China announced a limited and selected relaxation of restrictions on Taiwanese agricultural exports and tourism, upon receiving a Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) delegation led by KMT legislative caucus whip Fu Kun-chi (傅崑萁). This demonstrates the two-faced gimmick of China’s “united front” strategy. Despite the strongest earthquake to hit the nation in 25 years striking Hualien on April 3, which caused
In the 2022 book Danger Zone: The Coming Conflict with China, academics Hal Brands and Michael Beckley warned, against conventional wisdom, that it was not a rising China that the US and its allies had to fear, but a declining China. This is because “peaking powers” — nations at the peak of their relative power and staring over the precipice of decline — are particularly dangerous, as they might believe they only have a narrow window of opportunity to grab what they can before decline sets in, they said. The tailwinds that propelled China’s spectacular economic rise over the past