Beijing might not like it, but its growing military power has sparked a new arms race in Asia, a development that could have devastating effects if cool heads do not prevail.
Try as it might to convince its neighbors and the international community that its “rise” is peaceful, the emergence of a new regional power that threatens to shake up the “status quo” inevitably creates diplomatic tensions. The fact that, for the first time in decades, a regional power could compete for influence with the US, whose navy has played a stabilizing role in the region since World War II, is creating a new paradigm that, in turn, is forcing the region to prepare for the unknown, if not the worst.
Natural fears of the unknown notwithstanding, Beijing has also exacerbated apprehensions with occasional rhetoric on its territorial claims in the South China Sea and to islets in the East China Sea — not to mention Taiwan. Making matters worse is the continued lack of transparency regarding the actual budget for the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), which has led to wild speculation as to the actual figures. Just this week, research group IHS Jane’s was claiming that China’s military budget could double from its current level to US$238.2 billion by 2015.
Whether that figure is on the mark or inflated, as some China watchers have already said, is of little consequence as it reflects the sense of unease that is descending upon the region.
Amid all this, the US announced earlier this year that it was “returning” to Asia, a clear sign that China is now regarded as a strategic priority by Washington. This move is also indicative of a realization by officials in the administration of US President Barack Obama that an absent US in the Asia-Pacific region could lead to even larger weapons stockpiles. Rather than see such a scenario become reality, Washington has had little choice but to strengthen its security guarantees to allies in the region.
Despite those signals from the US, countries in Asia are uncertain as to the lasting power of Washington’s renewed commitment. As a result, Vietnam has embarked on an unprecedented naval modernization program, while the Philippines is mulling arms acquisitions and defense partnerships with other Asian countries, most notably South Korea.
If this continues, the region will see more frigates, attack boats, submarines and military aircraft navigating the skies and the seas, increasing the risk of accidents, heightening tensions and ensuring greater devastation should the budding cold war turn hot.
Perhaps even more significantly, Japan earlier this week said it would revise longstanding regulations barring the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) from engaging in non-peaceful activity. With the removal of that clause, JAXA will be able to engage in work related to national defense — which can only lead to one outcome: The militarization of outer space, which, despite the best intentions, the UN General Assembly will likely be unable to prevent.
China has already taken a regional lead in that aspect and, denials aside, there is little reason to doubt that some of the devices in its satellite constellations are serving military purposes. In 2007, the PLA also demonstrated the ability to shoot down satellites in outer space, a breakthrough that evidently alarmed the US and other regional powers.
All of this is probably inevitable, as a modernizing China with growing economic clout and budding global ambitions will naturally modernize its military. What this means for all of us is that the period of relative calm in the region — the Korean and Vietnam wars aside — since the end of World War II might be over. More than ever, the onus will be on state leaders, elected or otherwise, and diplomats to ensure that the region continues to prosper. However, judging by previous cases of emerging powers and their impact on the international order, guarded optimism is probably the best one can summon.
In the US’ National Security Strategy (NSS) report released last month, US President Donald Trump offered his interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine. The “Trump Corollary,” presented on page 15, is a distinctly aggressive rebranding of the more than 200-year-old foreign policy position. Beyond reasserting the sovereignty of the western hemisphere against foreign intervention, the document centers on energy and strategic assets, and attempts to redraw the map of the geopolitical landscape more broadly. It is clear that Trump no longer sees the western hemisphere as a peaceful backyard, but rather as the frontier of a new Cold War. In particular,
As the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) races toward its 2027 modernization goals, most analysts fixate on ship counts, missile ranges and artificial intelligence. Those metrics matter — but they obscure a deeper vulnerability. The true future of the PLA, and by extension Taiwan’s security, might hinge less on hardware than on whether the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) can preserve ideological loyalty inside its own armed forces. Iran’s 1979 revolution demonstrated how even a technologically advanced military can collapse when the social environment surrounding it shifts. That lesson has renewed relevance as fresh unrest shakes Iran today — and it should
When it became clear that the world was entering a new era with a radical change in the US’ global stance in US President Donald Trump’s second term, many in Taiwan were concerned about what this meant for the nation’s defense against China. Instability and disruption are dangerous. Chaos introduces unknowns. There was a sense that the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) might have a point with its tendency not to trust the US. The world order is certainly changing, but concerns about the implications for Taiwan of this disruption left many blind to how the same forces might also weaken
On today’s page, Masahiro Matsumura, a professor of international politics and national security at St Andrew’s University in Osaka, questions the viability and advisability of the government’s proposed “T-Dome” missile defense system. Matsumura writes that Taiwan’s military budget would be better allocated elsewhere, and cautions against the temptation to allow politics to trump strategic sense. What he does not do is question whether Taiwan needs to increase its defense capabilities. “Given the accelerating pace of Beijing’s military buildup and political coercion ... [Taiwan] cannot afford inaction,” he writes. A rational, robust debate over the specifics, not the scale or the necessity,