Forget about the saying “when pigs fly,” because throughout the country they are doing just that. Off the shelves, that is.
Highlighting the desire for change in the country, people are rushing to fill piggy banks and donate them to the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) election campaign. And the DPP has the Control Yuan to thank for this.
The Control Yuan last month made a fuss and warned the party that its acceptance of three piggy banks donated by three-year-old triplets was against the Political Donations Act (政治獻金法). The Control Yuan said Article 7 of the act stipulates that only people of voting age and those who meet other voting eligibility rules can make political donations. However, the article is more typically aimed at preventing foreigners, especially people from China, Hong Kong and Macau who are not eligible to vote, from making donations.
Moreover, given that the triplets donated their piggy banks under parental guidance, handing over the banks on stage with their mom and grandfather by their side, it seems like a minor infringement of the act. The donations were aimed more at a nice photo opportunity than political meddling by three-year-olds.
While the Control Yuan’s move could have dampened the DPP’s spirits, it instead aroused indignation among many Taiwanese and prompted the DPP to declare this month “little pigs month,” in which supporters are urged to use piggy banks to make donations to the party.
With the popularity of the piggy bank drive taking the DPP by surprise, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) might have an even harder time understanding what all the fuss is about, given that it appears oblivious to people’s everyday struggles despite a widening wealth gap and growing social injustice. There is a latent desire for change in the country, a fact which seems to have passed by the KMT and is clearly highlighted by a groundswell of support for the DPP’s piggy bank drive.
And yet, the KMT still does not cease to amaze with its brazenness. Seeing how well the DPP’s grassroots fundraising campaign has been received by the public, President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) re--election campaign office recently also launched a TV campaign spot calling on the public to make small donations.
How is it that a political party as rich as the KMT — which made NT$3.5 billion (US$116.1 million) last year, NT$2.9 billion from stock dividends alone — can have the heart to urge its supporters to donate money?
The truth of matter is that what the KMT fears is not the coins and notes stuffed into the piggy banks; what it finds intimidating is the power behind the piggy bank movement — the collective disappointments felt by piggy bank donors in the face of the incumbent government’s poor performance.
It is fair to say that there is a movement building in Taiwan in which — little could one imagine — piggy banks are becoming part of the nation’s electoral lore.
Hopefully the DPP cherishes and takes to heart the message behind every dollar pushed into a piggy bank. Each and every piggy bank represents not just support for Tsai and her party, but, more than everything, a yearning for change that will see people’s lives improve in a country that is becoming more unjust and economically divided.
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval