Since becoming a politician in the 1980s, has Su recommended notable policy alternatives to ongoing problems? Has Su demonstrated his willingness to risk personal political capital to campaign for and implement reforms?
During the announcement of his bid for the DPP presidential nomination, Su insisted “Taiwan has been floating in the open sea” and “we need a strong leader during times like this, a helmsman who is of strong will,” but on cross-strait issues, Su also mentioned, “there is no need to advocate new and novel ideas or policies.” Will Su’s lack of innovative ideas transform Taiwan into a country “where everyone has a smile on their face”?
In contrast, as DPP leader, Tsai established think tanks to formulate socioeconomic policy, facilitated the democratization of the party’s nomination process and currently oversees the development of its “10-year guidelines,” effectively improving the DPP from the inside out.
Tsai probably prefers that people say she “can’t scheme and will be unable to live in the complicated political environment” because actually, Tsai expertly maneuvers the political environment. She recognizes that engagement with China a necessity to Taiwan’s growth does not preclude the active promotion of Taiwanese consciousness, and in addition, cross-strait relations do not overshadow the need to address the negative consequences of globalization or reliance on nuclear energy.
Tsai has the support of young voters, academics and centrist DPP politicians appreciative of her leadership. Even ardent independence activist Koo Kwang-ming (辜寬敏) attended Tsai’s announcement, while former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) stopped just short of an endorsement.
Independence activist Su Beng (史明) has also said that “it looks like Tsai is more suited.”
Forgoing forceful rhetoric, Tsai will strengthen national sovereignty and in the long term, may contribute to the viability of Taiwanese independence.
SOPHIA SOLIVIO
Northampton, Massachusetts
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