Since President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) took office, his administration has set the economy right at the top of its agenda. Against all odds, the GDP has risen, and is expected to grow by 8 percent this year. However, little of this is trickling down to the general public and the poverty gap has widened. According to the latest Cabinet figures, there is a 66-fold wealth disparity in Taiwan this year, an all-time high.
In 2008, those in the top 5 percent of the income pyramid enjoyed, on average, an annual income of NT$4.5 million (US$140,530). The bottom 5 percent only earned an average of NT$68,000. In 1998, the highest incomes were only 32 times more than the lowest.
Unemployment shot up as a result of the financial crisis and the salaries of those who managed to keep their jobs fell. Middle and low-income earners were hit badly, but the fat cats were left sitting pretty. Now that the economy is improving at an encouraging 8 percent rate, we are still not seeing a concomitant increase in salaries. To exacerbate the situation, commodity prices have been rising, pushing up the price of goods on the shelf. Middle and low-income workers are, therefore, being hit with a double whammy.
The culprit is evidently the triangular trade model in which orders are received in Taiwan and the goods manufactured in China. The percentage of trade carried out in this way has risen from 13 percent in 2000 to 50 percent in June this year. As a result, exporters and their shareholders, not the general public, are seeing the fruits of this economic growth. The poor struggle to make ends meet and the rich continue to get richer on the back of the labors of the poor.
This problem has been worsened by a big cut in inheritance, business and income taxes. Instead of investing the resulting surplus in productive industries, the rich have been speculating in real estate, pushing property prices higher. The cost of a home in Taipei City now equates to more than 11 years of salary for the average employee. People who don’t already own a home have no hope of ever owning one, and this hopelessness is fueling popular resentment.
A widening income gap has many undesirable results. It is generally accompanied by increasing disparity between regions, especially between urban and rural areas. These two factors chase one another, forming a vicious cycle. Second, upward mobility is slowed down or choked off completely. People with lower incomes despair of ever improving their lot. Such people feel trapped and exploited, leading eventually to grave social crises. The recent wave of resentment toward big business is a sign of this growing discontent.
One of the roles of government is to uphold social justice by distributing the fruits of economic development. The Ma administration stresses economic growth, but only the rich are gaining from it. Meanwhile, the middle and working classes are feeling increasingly exploited. Now that Taiwan and China have signed the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA), working people in Taiwan face even more direct competition from Chinese commodities and labor.
The government’s economic policies have just added fuel to the fire. The more the government pushes for economic growth, the more working people feel they are losing out relative to the wealthy minority. The income gap is creating an M-shaped society in which the middle class is eroding. The result is a loss of social cohesion and a breakdown of consensus that supports the existing social order. As the state loses its moral authority, we are likely to see growing discontent and social unrest. The ever-widening income gap will be an important issue in the November special municipality elections. If the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) government fails to deal with this issue, it could face a major upset at the polls.
George Santayana wrote: “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” This article will help readers avoid repeating mistakes by examining four examples from the civil war between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) forces and the Republic of China (ROC) forces that involved two city sieges and two island invasions. The city sieges compared are Changchun (May to October 1948) and Beiping (November 1948 to January 1949, renamed Beijing after its capture), and attempts to invade Kinmen (October 1949) and Hainan (April 1950). Comparing and contrasting these examples, we can learn how Taiwan may prevent a war with
A recent trio of opinion articles in this newspaper reflects the growing anxiety surrounding Washington’s reported request for Taiwan to shift up to 50 percent of its semiconductor production abroad — a process likely to take 10 years, even under the most serious and coordinated effort. Simon H. Tang (湯先鈍) issued a sharp warning (“US trade threatens silicon shield,” Oct. 4, page 8), calling the move a threat to Taiwan’s “silicon shield,” which he argues deters aggression by making Taiwan indispensable. On the same day, Hsiao Hsi-huei (蕭錫惠) (“Responding to US semiconductor policy shift,” Oct. 4, page 8) focused on
Taiwan is rapidly accelerating toward becoming a “super-aged society” — moving at one of the fastest rates globally — with the proportion of elderly people in the population sharply rising. While the demographic shift of “fewer births than deaths” is no longer an anomaly, the nation’s legal framework and social customs appear stuck in the last century. Without adjustments, incidents like last month’s viral kicking incident on the Taipei MRT involving a 73-year-old woman would continue to proliferate, sowing seeds of generational distrust and conflict. The Senior Citizens Welfare Act (老人福利法), originally enacted in 1980 and revised multiple times, positions older
Nvidia Corp’s plan to build its new headquarters at the Beitou Shilin Science Park’s T17 and T18 plots has stalled over a land rights dispute, prompting the Taipei City Government to propose the T12 plot as an alternative. The city government has also increased pressure on Shin Kong Life Insurance Co, which holds the development rights for the T17 and T18 plots. The proposal is the latest by the city government over the past few months — and part of an ongoing negotiation strategy between the two sides. Whether Shin Kong Life Insurance backs down might be the key factor