To be Taiwan, or not to be?
Is it just me, or is Taiwan heading toward being the first country in the world to turn away from its young and troubled but fully functioning democracy to become part of a gravely troubled autocracy?
China is facing troubling economic problems, with 25 million recently unemployed workers adding to a real possibility of unrest across the nation. The apparent increase in corruption at all levels of government; the rapidly widening gap between the abominably poor and the obscenely rich; and non-existent quality control mechanisms make China a very bad choice for any kind of trade agreement, especially under a “one China” policy.
Is our government really that weak, naive and shortsighted? Does it truly believe that the territory of the Republic of China includes the territory of the People’s Republic of China and that signing an agreement under the “one China” policy is therefore acceptable?
Or are government officials positioning themselves in view of China’s leaders so that, when their much-sought prize of unification is delivered, they will enjoy great benefits and preferential treatment — possibly even offers of positions in the Chinese Communist Party?
Anyone who has spent time studying the history of China — in particular the historical, ideological and emotional differences between Nationalists and Communists — would agree that this cannot happen.
How many Tibetan leaders, pro-China or not, were given high level positions and/or benefits that went beyond a few face-giving ceremonies and banquets? Hello, anybody home?
What can Taiwan do, given that it is burdened by the shortcomings of a “country” that isn’t recognized as such and doesn’t behave like one because of political complexity and historical distortions — not to mention the short-term, financially oriented thinking and planning of its government and citizenry?
First, let’s focus on what we have to offer the world: Pristine and gorgeous coastlines in the east and the south, complete with wonderful hot springs and splendid beaches, and a central mountain range that offers some of the most spectacular sights anywhere in Asia, as well as warm, hospitable and extremely generous people.
We must develop and cherish these assets in an ecologically sound way, promote sustainable long-term tourism and put in place infrastructure that can facilitate the industry and that can expand as demand grows.
Second, Taiwan has to implement and enforce tough anti-pollution laws for factories and farms so that our rivers and coastal areas can once again be safe for harvesting seafood, so that river water can be used for irrigation and so that we can provide an unpolluted and fun environment for recreational activities. Such laws should require that all households and businesses connect to waste water treatment plants, and it is imperative that this be achieved in the shortest possible time.
Third, Taiwanese factories in China that produce food or goods requiring highly skilled labor should be encouraged to return to Taiwan. Government subsidies and tax breaks that offset — at least initially — higher local wages and operating costs could boost the nation’s competitiveness.
This would maintain the high standard of Taiwanese goods as well as provide much-needed jobs to an ailing economy. Absolutely no food products, cosmetics or medicine should be allowed into Taiwan from China until there are rigorous and enforceable safety procedures operating in both countries.
Most importantly, Taiwanese must stand united, believe in and strive for Taiwan’s identity and recognition, fight for their rights and their freedom and prove to themselves and the world that democracy is here to stay.
DAN LUTHI
Taichung
A gap appears to be emerging between Washington’s foreign policy elites and the broader American public on how the United States should respond to China’s rise. From my vantage working at a think tank in Washington, DC, and through regular travel around the United States, I increasingly experience two distinct discussions. This divergence — between America’s elite hawkishness and public caution — may become one of the least appreciated and most consequential external factors influencing Taiwan’s security environment in the years ahead. Within the American policy community, the dominant view of China has grown unmistakably tough. Many members of Congress, as
The Hong Kong government on Monday gazetted sweeping amendments to the implementation rules of Article 43 of its National Security Law. There was no legislative debate, no public consultation and no transition period. By the time the ink dried on the gazette, the new powers were already in force. This move effectively bypassed Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. The rules were enacted by the Hong Kong chief executive, in conjunction with the Committee for Safeguarding National Security — a body shielded from judicial review and accountable only to Beijing. What is presented as “procedural refinement” is, in substance, a shift away from
Taiwan no longer wants to merely manufacture the chips that power artificial intelligence (AI). It aims to build the software, platforms and services that run on them. Ten major AI infrastructure projects, a national cloud computing center in Tainan, the sovereign language model Trustworthy AI Dialogue Engine, five targeted industry verticals — from precision medicine to smart agriculture — and the goal of ranking among the world’s top five in computing power by 2040: The roadmap from “Silicon Island” to “Smart Island” is drawn. The question is whether the western plains, where population, industry and farmland are concentrated, have the water and
The shifting geopolitical tectonic plates of this year have placed Beijing in a profound strategic dilemma. As Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) prepares for a high-stakes summit with US President Donald Trump, the traditional power dynamics of the China-Japan-US triangle have been destabilized by the diplomatic success of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in Washington. For the Chinese leadership, the anxiety is two-fold: There is a visceral fear of being encircled by a hardened security alliance, and a secondary risk of being left in a vulnerable position by a transactional deal between Washington and Tokyo that might inadvertently empower Japan