It is never easy to govern. An election campaign is about black and white, but governing is more about gray. In a true democracy, it is often a tough job for a popularly elected leader to strike a balance between motivating supporters and dictating policy.
Good leadership is more about the power to persuade and bargain than the power to dictate and manipulate. Unfortunately, this is exactly the problem facing Taiwan’s government today.
Recent controversy over whether President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) should singlehandedly negotiate and sign a comprehensive economic and cooperation agreement (CECA) with his Chinese counterpart was another manifestation of how Ma disregards public concerns and legislative oversight.
Under tremendous domestic pressure, Ma was forced to use the less concrete term “economic cooperation framework agreement” (ECFA). Nevertheless, Ma continues to insist that his Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) government should strike a deal with China without the legislature first needing to give the agreement a green light.
Why is this? The legislature is controlled by the KMT, which enjoys an absolute majority. It is hard to see how a KMT-dominated legislature would override Ma’s hoped-for agreement with Beijing.
In addition to opposition from the Democratic Progressive Party and some civic associations, most people have no idea what a CECA or an ECFA means, nor do they know what benefits that the latter would bring to an economy in decline. This constitutes Ma’s biggest leadership challenge.
Ma and the KMT have attributed the recession to the global financial crisis. But if Ma had not raised expectations during his election campaign that he would achieve a growth rate of 6 percent, increase per capita income to US$30,000 and lower the unemployment rate to 3 percent, then people would not have been so frustrated and regretful over voting an incapable man into office.
Ma must stop basking in the 58 percent support he garnered in the presidential election and recognize the rapid erosion of his popularity. Most importantly, he needs to adopt a more humble and more convincing strategy to rebuild public trust. In doing this, the power to negotiate with the opposition and communicate with the public is key.
Even with the KMT controlling the executive and the legislature by a wide margin, Ma must make a greater effort at reconciliation to bridge social divisions and establish a domestic consensus on this controversial policy.
Space for negotiation determines whether Ma should be aggressive or conciliatory in promoting policy. Should he lash out boldly with a new approach and a new stance, or focus instead on incremental change? Is it time to run up the flag and charge, or to mediate differences and seek to move toward a consensus by stages?
In this case, Ma has fast-tracked his cross-strait policy since taking office, showing nothing but arrogance and disrespect for the opposition and the public.
The four agreements on cross-strait opening reached by the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party last December were never debated in the legislature — before or since.
Ma’s choice of media interviews to elaborate on his ideas was also misplaced. These interviews and reports, especially in Taiwan, were too often elitist and one-sided.
Fundamentally, what Ma needs to do is explain the reasons behind these bold initiatives to the rank and file — face to face. But because he has had difficulty elaborating on his policy in the Hoklo language (commonly known as Taiwanese), Ma has probably decided to bypass public discussion — in contrast to his Hoklo-speaking performances during his election campaign.
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