The world has yet to achieve the macroeconomic policy coordination that will be needed to restore economic growth following the Great Crash of 2008.
In much of the world, consumers are now cutting their spending in response to a fall in their wealth and a fear of unemployment. The overwhelming force behind the current collapse of jobs, output and trade flows is even more important than the financial panic that followed Lehman Brothers’ default last September.
There is, of course, no return to the situation that preceded the Great Crash. The worldwide financial bubble cannot and should not be recreated. But if the world cooperates effectively, the decline in consumer demand can be offset by a valuable increase in investment spending to address the most critical needs on the planet: sustainable energy, safe water and sanitation, a reduction of pollution, improved public health and increased food production for the poor.
The US, Europe and Asia have all experienced a collapse of wealth due to the fall of stock markets and housing prices. There is not yet an authoritative measurement of the decline in wealth and of how it is distributed worldwide, but it is probably around US$15 trillion lower than the peak in the US, and perhaps US$10 trillion lower in both Europe and Asia. A combined decline of around US$25 trillion would be roughly 60 percent of one year’s global income. The decline in US wealth as a share of the US economy is even larger, around 100 percent of annual income, and perhaps 70 percent of annual income in Europe and Asia.
The usual assumption is that household consumption falls by around 5 cents for each dollar decline in household wealth. This would mean a direct negative shock to household spending in the US of around 5 percent of national income, and of around 3.5 percent in Europe and Asia.
The size of this downturn is so large that unemployment will rise sharply in all major regions of the world economy, perhaps reaching 9 percent to 10 percent in the US. Households will gradually save enough to restore their wealth, and household consumption will gradually recover as well. Yet this will occur too slowly to prevent a rapid rise in unemployment and a massive shortfall of production relative to potential output.
The world therefore needs to stimulate other kinds of spending. One powerful way to boost the world economy and to help meet future needs is to increase spending on key infrastructure projects, mainly transportation (roads, ports, rail and mass transit), sustainable energy (wind, solar, geothermal, carbon-capture and sequestration and long-distance power transmission grids), pollution control and water and sanitation.
There is a strong case for global cooperation to increase these public investments in developing economies, and especially in the world’s poorest regions. These regions, including sub-Saharan Africa and Central Asia, are suffering harshly from the global crisis because of falling export earnings, remittances and capital inflows.
Poor regions are also suffering from climate changes, such as more frequent droughts caused by rich countries’ greenhouse-gas emissions. At the same time, impoverished countries have huge needs for infrastructure, especially roads, rail, renewable energy, water and sanitation, and for improved current delivery of vital life-saving services, including health care and support for food production.
The G20, which comprises the world’s largest economies, offers the natural setting for global policy coordination. The next G20 meeting in London in early April is a crucial opportunity for timely action. The leading economies — especially the US, the EU and Japan — should establish new programs to finance infrastructure investments in low-income countries. The new lending should be at least US$100 billion per year, directed toward developing countries.
The new financing would include direct loans from rich countries’ export-credit agencies to enable poor countries to borrow long-term (for example, 40 years) to build roads, power grids, renewable energy generation, ports, fiber optic networks and water and sanitation systems. The G20 should also increase the lending capacity of the World Bank, the African Development Bank and other international financial institutions.
Japan, with a surplus of saving, a strong currency, massive foreign exchange reserves and factories without domestic orders, should take the lead in providing this funding for infrastructure.
Moreover, Japan can boost its own economy and those of the poorest countries by directing its own industrial production to the infrastructure needs of the developing world.
Cooperation can turn the sharp and frightening decline in worldwide consumption spending into a global opportunity to invest more in the world’s future well-being. By directing resources away from rich countries’ consumption to developing countries’ investment needs, the world can achieve a “triple” victory.
Higher investment and social spending in poor countries will stimulate the entire world economy, spur economic development and promote environmental sustainability through investments in renewable energy, efficient water use and sustainable agriculture.
Jeffrey Sachs is professor of economics and director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University.
COPYRIGHT: PROJECT SYNDICATE
The central bank and the US Department of the Treasury on Friday issued a joint statement that both sides agreed to avoid currency manipulation and the use of exchange rates to gain a competitive advantage, and would only intervene in foreign-exchange markets to combat excess volatility and disorderly movements. The central bank also agreed to disclose its foreign-exchange intervention amounts quarterly rather than every six months, starting from next month. It emphasized that the joint statement is unrelated to tariff negotiations between Taipei and Washington, and that the US never requested the appreciation of the New Taiwan dollar during the
The diplomatic dispute between China and Japan over Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s comments in the Japanese Diet continues to escalate. In a letter to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, China’s UN Ambassador Fu Cong (傅聰) wrote that, “if Japan dares to attempt an armed intervention in the cross-Strait situation, it would be an act of aggression.” There was no indication that Fu was aware of the irony implicit in the complaint. Until this point, Beijing had limited its remonstrations to diplomatic summonses and weaponization of economic levers, such as banning Japanese seafood imports, discouraging Chinese from traveling to Japan or issuing
Since leaving office last year, former president Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) has been journeying across continents. Her ability to connect with international audiences and foster goodwill toward her country continues to enhance understanding of Taiwan. It is possible because she can now walk through doors in Europe that are closed to President William Lai (賴清德). Tsai last week gave a speech at the Berlin Freedom Conference, where, standing in front of civil society leaders, human rights advocates and political and business figures, she highlighted Taiwan’s indispensable global role and shared its experience as a model for democratic resilience against cognitive warfare and
The diplomatic spat between China and Japan over comments Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi made on Nov. 7 continues to worsen. Beijing is angry about Takaichi’s remarks that military force used against Taiwan by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) could constitute a “survival-threatening situation” necessitating the involvement of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces. Rather than trying to reduce tensions, Beijing is looking to leverage the situation to its advantage in action and rhetoric. On Saturday last week, four armed China Coast Guard vessels sailed around the Japanese-controlled Diaoyutai Islands (釣魚台), known to Japan as the Senkakus. On Friday, in what