In recent years, emerging-market economies, including those in Asia, have made impressive strides in strengthening their fundamentals, accelerating their economic growth and cushioning themselves against external shocks. Nevertheless, as the events of recent months have shown, emerging markets are not immune from the current bout of global financial turmoil.
In particular, slowing global economic demand poses daunting challenges for many Asian economies, especially those that are export dependent. While most Asian countries have had relatively limited direct exposure to mortgage-related assets, deleveraging by foreign investors and slowing external demand have simultaneously created tighter credit conditions and lower expectations for growth. This has led to heightened volatility in equity, money and debt markets.
These developments put to rest the notion of “decoupling,” the idea that economic growth in emerging markets, whether in Asia or elsewhere, is independent from that of the developed world. As the current crisis makes painfully clear, in this era of global trade and investment, our economies — and our prosperity — are inextricably linked. In order to maintain strong economic growth in the US, we need a strong, growing Asia, just as Asia’s success depends on a thriving US.
The US-Asia economic partnership can be strengthened if we heed the lessons that we have already learned from the ongoing turmoil. Undoubtedly, much of the current situation will be best understood with the benefit of time, but five lessons are already coming into focus, and we should consider their implications for the choices policymakers will make in the future.
First, openness to international trade and investment has been and will continue to be the linchpin of economic growth for the global economy. The US and Asia are more mutually dependent than ever for their economic growth and prosperity. In the current climate of anxiety and uncertainty, policymakers must ensure strong communication and coordination, avoid beggar-thy-neighbor policies, and guard against protectionism.
Fortunately, as the crisis has worsened, global policymakers have responded with coordinated policy action. The G7 action plan aims to restore the flow of credit by securing interbank lending, and coordinated central bank actions have provided unprecedented levels of liquidity to the market.
Bilaterally, the Strategic Economic Dialogue, which has been an invaluable forum for building US-China economic relations, has been especially important in strengthening our lines of communication and cooperation during the crisis.
And many policymakers around the world have reaffirmed their commitment to completing a successful Doha trade round and refraining from raising new barriers to trade and investment.
Second, it is also clear that developed countries must act rapidly and in concert to minimize the impact of the crisis on emerging markets. As is always the case, however, resources alone cannot solve problems rooted in weak policies.
Before we provide financial assistance, whether bilaterally or through the international financial institutions (IFIs), we must determine the underlying cause of economic vulnerability and ensure necessary corrective action.
Lending large sums before assessing root causes and determining appropriate policy responses can undermine the IFIs’ credibility and reduce the capital available to assist other countries in need.
When resources are needed, however, the IFIs are a logical place to turn, and they must show flexibility and adaptability to help their member countries. Both the IMF and the World Bank have taken encouraging steps to develop new programs and approaches and quickly increase their commitments.
The IMF recently established the Short-Term Liquidity Facility to help strong-performing members facing temporary liquidity problems. The World Bank and the multilateral development banks are also developing innovative ways to strengthen country financial sectors and address potential shortfalls in trade finance.
Third, as the IFIs play an even more crucial role, further delay in reforming them to include major emerging-market economies will only harm their effectiveness and legitimacy.
But greater representation is not a one-way street: With greater voice and influence, emerging-market countries must assume greater leadership responsibilities and act as constructive partners in these institutions.
Fourth, governments and the IFIs cannot solve this crisis alone, and they cannot and should not crowd out the private sector. In situations where government intervention is necessary, we must consider specific ways in which the private sector can assist in the recovery.
For example, the US has helped promote financial-sector stability with direct capital injections, but ultimately it is the banks that must resume responsible lending to consumers and businesses. Moreover, the US Treasury has structured its Capital Purchase Program with disincentives for long-term government ownership.
Finally, both Asia and the US must remain focused on addressing the fundamental macroeconomic policy challenges that contributed to the crisis. Some of these challenges, such as the buildup of global imbalances, have been discussed for many years.
The turmoil has led to a gradual rebalancing, with the US current-account deficit beginning to narrow and emerging markets taking steps to boost domestic demand. But we must guard against the re-emergence of significant imbalances, which means, in part, assuring the exchange-rate flexibility that must play a critical role in allowing needed economic adjustments to occur.
Many of the important steps taken to stabilize the global financial system and economy, as well as to address the root causes of this crisis, will be achieved through the G20. It is also clear that the US and Asia will be at the center of any effective multilateral action.
We must therefore seek to enhance our cooperation and leverage our regional, multilateral and bilateral dialogues and relationships to ensure the integrity and efficacy of these efforts.
The road ahead will not be easy, but the US-Asia economic partnership will be at the heart of our recovery. And our economic relationship will no doubt emerge even stronger as a consequence.
David H. McCormick is undersecretary of the US Treasury for International Affairs.
COPYRIGHT: PROJECT SYNDICATE,
Speaking at the Copenhagen Democracy Summit on May 13, former president Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) said that democracies must remain united and that “Taiwan’s security is essential to regional stability and to defending democratic values amid mounting authoritarianism.” Earlier that day, Tsai had met with a group of Danish parliamentarians led by Danish Parliament Speaker Pia Kjaersgaard, who has visited Taiwan many times, most recently in November last year, when she met with President William Lai (賴清德) at the Presidential Office. Kjaersgaard had told Lai: “I can assure you that ... you can count on us. You can count on our support
Denmark has consistently defended Greenland in light of US President Donald Trump’s interests and has provided unwavering support to Ukraine during its war with Russia. Denmark can be proud of its clear support for peoples’ democratic right to determine their own future. However, this democratic ideal completely falls apart when it comes to Taiwan — and it raises important questions about Denmark’s commitment to supporting democracies. Taiwan lives under daily military threats from China, which seeks to take over Taiwan, by force if necessary — an annexation that only a very small minority in Taiwan supports. Denmark has given China a
Many local news media over the past week have reported on Internet personality Holger Chen’s (陳之漢) first visit to China between Tuesday last week and yesterday, as remarks he made during a live stream have sparked wide discussions and strong criticism across the Taiwan Strait. Chen, better known as Kuan Chang (館長), is a former gang member turned fitness celebrity and businessman. He is known for his live streams, which are full of foul-mouthed and hypermasculine commentary. He had previously spoken out against the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and criticized Taiwanese who “enjoy the freedom in Taiwan, but want China’s money”
A high-school student surnamed Yang (楊) gained admissions to several prestigious medical schools recently. However, when Yang shared his “learning portfolio” on social media, he was caught exaggerating and even falsifying content, and his admissions were revoked. Now he has to take the “advanced subjects test” scheduled for next month. With his outstanding performance in the general scholastic ability test (GSAT), Yang successfully gained admissions to five prestigious medical schools. However, his university dreams have now been frustrated by the “flaws” in his learning portfolio. This is a wake-up call not only for students, but also teachers. Yang did make a big