STATISTICS SHOW THAT Shanghai handled more than 26 million standard containers last year, 20.4 percent more than the year before, to replace Hong Kong as the world's second-largest container port. Measured in terms of cargo throughput, Shanghai, which handled 561 million tonnes of cargo last year, maintained its position as the largest port in the world for the third consecutive year.
This is surprising because Hong Kong is rated No. 1 in terms of economic freedom -- well above Shanghai at No. 126. Ships can travel freely between Hong Kong, Shanghai, Tianjin and other ports. Taiwan's pro-unification academics and media tell us that Hong Kong has the potential to be the economic center for all of greater China and the transport hub for all of East Asia. Its container throughput should increase every year, and there is no reason why Shanghai's growth should be greater than Hong Kong's.
Or consider the port of Busan in South Korea. In 2001, Busan surpassed Kaohsiung to become the third-largest container port in the world. At that time, Shanghai was the fifth-largest port. In 2003, Shanghai overtook Busan. This is also surprising because Busan ranks 41st in terms of economic freedom, making it significantly more free than Shanghai. Ships can travel freely from Busan to major ports like Shanghai, Tokyo, Osaka, Dalian and Tianjin. Busan should have been able to develop into a transport hub and a logistics center, yet it has been overtaken by Shanghai. Are officials in Busan and Hong Kong to blame for their lack of competitiveness?
Shanghai's performance should be a warning to the pan-blue camp and the pro-unification media. They should stop using ideological arguments to explain why Kaohsiung keeps sliding down the list of the world's largest ports and stop blaming others for their own mistakes. Kaohsiung's lack of competitiveness is the unavoidable outcome of Taiwan's industries migrating to China and has little to do with policies or direct routes to other ports.
The main reason for Shanghai's rise as a port is that the industry in Shanghai's hinterland is expanding rapidly. Taiwanese businesspeople are playing an important role in this development. Since 2001, when Taiwan's adopted a policy of "active opening," Shanghai's neighboring cities -- such as Suzhou, Kunshan and Wujiang -- have attracted considerable numbers of companies involved in science and technology, many run by Taiwanese. Last year, China exported US$450 billion in information technology products, accounting for 37.6 percent of its exports. Because Taiwan's industries are moving abroad, there is less cargo to be shipped through Kaohsiung. This trend cannot be helped, and it was inevitable that Shanghai's port would grow larger than those of Kaohsiung, Busan and Hong Kong.
During a recent forum in Kaohsiung, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou (
Pan-blue academics and media are responsible for the decline of Kaohsiung. For years, they have promoted loosening regulations and opening up to China with the result that many of Taiwan's industries have moved to China.
If the government caves in to the demands of the pan-blue camp for looser restrictions and more opening up to China, Taiwanese will suffer the consequences and the Kaohsiung port will inevitably fall off the list of 10 largest ports.
Huang Tien-lin is a former national policy adviser.
TRANSLATED BY ANNA STIGGELBOUT
President William Lai (賴清德) attended a dinner held by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) when representatives from the group visited Taiwan in October. In a speech at the event, Lai highlighted similarities in the geopolitical challenges faced by Israel and Taiwan, saying that the two countries “stand on the front line against authoritarianism.” Lai noted how Taiwan had “immediately condemned” the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel by Hamas and had provided humanitarian aid. Lai was heavily criticized from some quarters for standing with AIPAC and Israel. On Nov. 4, the Taipei Times published an opinion article (“Speak out on the
Eighty-seven percent of Taiwan’s energy supply this year came from burning fossil fuels, with more than 47 percent of that from gas-fired power generation. The figures attracted international attention since they were in October published in a Reuters report, which highlighted the fragility and structural challenges of Taiwan’s energy sector, accumulated through long-standing policy choices. The nation’s overreliance on natural gas is proving unstable and inadequate. The rising use of natural gas does not project an image of a Taiwan committed to a green energy transition; rather, it seems that Taiwan is attempting to patch up structural gaps in lieu of
The image was oddly quiet. No speeches, no flags, no dramatic announcements — just a Chinese cargo ship cutting through arctic ice and arriving in Britain in October. The Istanbul Bridge completed a journey that once existed only in theory, shaving weeks off traditional shipping routes. On paper, it was a story about efficiency. In strategic terms, it was about timing. Much like politics, arriving early matters. Especially when the route, the rules and the traffic are still undefined. For years, global politics has trained us to watch the loud moments: warships in the Taiwan Strait, sanctions announced at news conferences, leaders trading
News about expanding security cooperation between Israel and Taiwan, including the visits of Deputy Minister of National Defense Po Horng-huei (柏鴻輝) in September and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Francois Wu (吳志中) this month, as well as growing ties in areas such as missile defense and cybersecurity, should not be viewed as isolated events. The emphasis on missile defense, including Taiwan’s newly introduced T-Dome project, is simply the most visible sign of a deeper trend that has been taking shape quietly over the past two to three years. Taipei is seeking to expand security and defense cooperation with Israel, something officials