In three days of talks on economic issues last week, a half-dozen Cabinet members of the administration of US President George W. Bush and their aides sat in rows of tables facing their Chinese counterparts in an ornate conference room. The talk was polite, the atmosphere convivial and the pledges of cooperation profuse.
But it was also obvious to the US side that relations with China were going through a difficult phase, with discord sometimes crowding out the areas of agreement. The Chinese frequently threatened retaliation over actions that displeased them, in the political and military spheres as well as the economic.
Despite agreeing to open markets to US exports and services, in recent months China has imposed new curbs in other areas. Though the Bush administration was pleased with Beijing's cooperation in negotiations on North Korea's nuclear program, it has remained frustrated with Chinese policies on Iran.
"The wheels in the US-China relationship are wobbly right now," said Michael Green, a professor of international relations at Georgetown University and former Asia affairs director at the National Security Council.
"They're not coming off, but they're wobbly," he said.
The strain of the relationship is all but certain to last through the presidential campaign, with both Democratic and Republican candidates accusing the Bush administration of being soft on China.
That criticism follows a recurring pattern. In 1992, Bill Clinton, then the governor of Arkansas, accused former president George Bush of "coddling" the Chinese. As president, Clinton became less confrontational. In the 2000 election then Texas governor George W. Bush belittled the administration's efforts to treat China as a "strategic partner."
After the talks last week, Secretary of the Treasury Henry Paulson, who led the administration team here, said that the US had made significant progress in getting China to open its economy despite "backsliding" in many areas.
"Sure, it's two steps forward and maybe sometimes one and a half back, but there's progress," he said in an interview on Thursday before returning to Washington.
He acknowledged that the Chinese might be retaliating against actions by the US, but he said this was not unusual.
Even as the Chinese agreed to cooperate on food safety, financial services and the like, they are issuing a flood of regulations that have had the effect of blocking imports in other areas.
As for retaliations, a legal challenge by the US at the WTO to get China to crack down on the piracy of movies, music and software is apparently what led the Chinese this month to ban imports of the latest Hollywood movies.
Similarly, although there were accords last week on food safety, criticism in Washington of Chinese food safety practices have led China to halt imports of US beef, poultry and pork.
In the security area, there were pledges of harmony in October when Secretary of Defense Robert Gates visited Beijing, but China reacted to the subsequent sale of missiles to Taiwan by canceling permission for a Thanksgiving holiday shore leave in Hong Kong for sailors on the US aircraft carrier USS Kitty Hawk.
US officials say that the Kitty Hawk episode may have been caused by the People's Liberation Army's acting independently of the Chinese leadership, which seemed to be embarrassed by it, said a senior administration official who requested anonymity because he was not authorized to speak publicly.
"They felt that the fact that the missile sales were not brought up during the Gates visit was a slap," the senior official said.
The administration is especially furious about Iran.
While the latest National Intelligence Estimate found that Iran had suspended its efforts to develop nuclear weapons in 2003, the administration maintains that Iran's continuing enrichment program -- which Tehran says is for peaceful purposes -- could be used to make such weapons in the future and thus should be blocked.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has in the past won Chinese support for UN Security Council sanctions against Iran for pursuing uranium enrichment. But her aides say China has undermined the sanctions.
European governments and banks have drastically cut back on export credits, financial transactions and energy deals in Iran in the last year. But China has filled the gap, European and US officials say. This week the biggest Chinese refiner, Sinopec, signed a deal to develop the Yadavaran oil field in Iran.
Paulson said he was particularly upset about reports of the Sinopec deal, saying, "It flies in the face of the spirit of the UN sanctions that China supported."
The senior administration official in Washington said it was important to remember that China had cooperated in several areas of vital interest, including North Korea, Sudan and Myanmar.
Crucial to China-US relations, the official said, is the relationship between Bush and Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤).
When Bush told Hu this year that he would be attending a ceremony in Congress for the Dalai Lama, the Chinese seemed to appreciate his straightforwardness.
"There's always a concern by China that we don't want them to succeed, that we want to keep them down," the official said. "But I've watched President Bush with the Chinese. He has really built this relationship up. Despite the problems, it's a very, very workable relationship."
In the event of a war with China, Taiwan has some surprisingly tough defenses that could make it as difficult to tackle as a porcupine: A shoreline dotted with swamps, rocks and concrete barriers; conscription for all adult men; highways and airports that are built to double as hardened combat facilities. This porcupine has a soft underbelly, though, and the war in Iran is exposing it: energy. About 39,000 ships dock at Taiwan’s ports each year, more than the 30,000 that transit the Strait of Hormuz. About one-fifth of their inbound tonnage is coal, oil, refined fuels and liquefied natural gas (LNG),
To counter the CCP’s escalating threats, Taiwan must build a national consensus and demonstrate the capability and the will to fight. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) often leans on a seductive mantra to soften its threats, such as “Chinese do not kill Chinese.” The slogan is designed to frame territorial conquest (annexation) as a domestic family matter. A look at the historical ledger reveals a different truth. For the CCP, being labeled “family” has never been a guarantee of safety; it has been the primary prerequisite for state-sanctioned slaughter. From the forced starvation of 150,000 civilians at the Siege of Changchun
The two major opposition parties, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), jointly announced on Tuesday last week that former TPP lawmaker Chang Chi-kai (張啟楷) would be their joint candidate for Chiayi mayor, following polling conducted earlier this month. It is the first case of blue-white (KMT-TPP) cooperation in selecting a joint candidate under an agreement signed by their chairpersons last month. KMT and TPP supporters have blamed their 2024 presidential election loss on failing to decide on a joint candidate, which ended in a dramatic breakdown with participants pointing fingers, calling polls unfair, sobbing and walking
In the opening remarks of her meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Friday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) framed her visit as a historic occasion. In his own remarks, Xi had also emphasized the history of the relationship between the KMT and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Where they differed was that Cheng’s account, while flawed by its omissions, at least partially corresponded to reality. The meeting was certainly historic, albeit not in the way that Cheng and Xi were signaling, and not from the perspective