It was more than 30 years ago that a seventh-grade history teacher in Morelia, a quaint colonial city in central Mexico, went around the room surveying the career plans of his 12-year-old pupils.
There were future doctors, lawyers and teachers in the room; no surprise, as this was the city's leading school. But one boy -- chubby, serious, with a wild mane of hair -- announced that day that he wanted to be president of Mexico.
Alma Delia Alvarez Zamudio, a classmate who became a teacher, remembers the moment well.
"We all said normal jobs but Felipe surprised us all," she recalled. "He said it like he knew it was going to happen. He said, `presidente de la republica."'
As of Tuesday, Felipe de Jesus Calderon Hinojosa, 44, was on his way to becoming just that.
Calderon narrowly won victory in the July 2 presidential election and then withstood a challenge from his main opponent, the leftist Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador. On Tuesday morning, the country's highest electoral tribunal officially declared him the victor, and on Dec. 1 he will take office.
To call the balding and bespectacled Calderon a career politician would be something of an understatement. His first campaign, his family likes to say, came in 1962 when he was still in the womb. It was a governor's race in the central state of Michoacan that his father, Luis Calderon Vega, a prominent political activist who helped found the National Action Party (PAN), was managing. His pregnant mother was pitching in as well.
There were other races, many others, all of them family affairs. Young Felipe handed out leaflets when other children were out playing ball. He rode around in a truck with loudspeakers when his contemporaries were hanging out in the park.
And again and again, his father's PAN, with its pro-business and free market positions, lost.
Calderon, a studious, serious boy who grew up to be a man not all that different, was teased at school for trying to unseat the powerful ruling party, which in those days ruled Mexico with an iron fist. His father soothed him by explaining that opening up Mexico's democracy was a long-term affair.
It took decades, actually, until 2000, when Vicente Fox's presidential win ended 71 years of single-party rule by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI).
Calderon was one of the many democracy activists across Mexico who made that defining moment possible. He used to round up neighborhood children to monitor polling stations in an attempt to catch the ruling party as it went about stealing the elections. Eventually, his name began to appear on the ballot, always as a proud Panista.
By the time Calderon was 26, he was a member of the municipal assembly in Mexico City. He was a member of Congress before he hit 30 and chairman of PAN at 34.
He even found his wife in the party, marrying Margarita Zavala, a PAN congresswoman. They have three children. Not surprising at all to those who know him, he proposed to her during a campaign swing in his hometown, Morelia.
After a stint as a graduate student at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard in 1999, Calderon served briefly as Fox's energy minister. He then initiated his own bid for the presidency, outflanking Fox's handpicked candidate, Santiago Creel, the former interior minister, in a November primary.
"He was always preparing for this," said Juan Luis Calderon Hinojosa, one of Calderon's four siblings and an aspiring politician himself. "It's no surprise."
There are those who say Calderon rose up the political ladder too quickly, experiencing little of the real Mexico along the way. During the campaign, Lopez Obrador painted him as a candidate of the rich and powerful, someone disconnected from the everyday struggles of Mexicans.
But some of those who grew up with Calderon disagree with the portrayal of him as a rich kid.
They say that his childhood home, where his octogenarian mother still lives, is a modest dwelling not far from Morelia's main square, and that when he was not out politicking, young Felipe was kicking a soccer ball or playing the guitar. He did not have particular luck with girls, friends recalled, and his athletic prowess was modest at best. He attended church regularly, walking with his family to a modest chapel around the block.
"He was just one of the guys," said Ignacio Alvarado Laris, a childhood friend.
Felipe spent a year in a youth group that helped the area's poor people by painting their houses and even digging latrines, friends and family recalled. Local politics, though, was his main pastime.
"In the rallies he attended as a boy, people were wearing sombreros, not suits," said Luis Mejia Guzman, a PAN activist and family friend.
Mejia notes that Calderon learned politics the hard way, by consistently seeing candidates he supported come up short.
"Felipe knows how to struggle," he said. "His political life hasn't been easy. In campaign after campaign, his side didn't stand a chance." Even his presidential victory was by a hair, less than 1 percent of the vote.
Lopez Obrador, a former mayor of Mexico City and spokesman for the country's lower classes, has protested Calderon's win -- by 243,000 votes out of 41 million cast -- and vowed to challenge his administration for the next six years. Tuesday's decision officially affirmed the validity of the election, but the protests seem likely to continue.
In Michoacan State, Calderon's home turf, some of Lopez Obrador's backers continue to camp out in protest in the main square of Morelia.
"I'd be very proud to have a president from Michoacan, but there's something more important than that," said one of the protesters, Francisco Garciduenas. "We want a president who really won the election."
So Calderon's struggle continues, even now that his childhood dream has come true.
Because much of what former US president Donald Trump says is unhinged and histrionic, it is tempting to dismiss all of it as bunk. Yet the potential future president has a populist knack for sounding alarums that resonate with the zeitgeist — for example, with growing anxiety about World War III and nuclear Armageddon. “We’re a failing nation,” Trump ranted during his US presidential debate against US Vice President Kamala Harris in one particularly meandering answer (the one that also recycled urban myths about immigrants eating cats). “And what, what’s going on here, you’re going to end up in World War
Earlier this month in Newsweek, President William Lai (賴清德) challenged the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to retake the territories lost to Russia in the 19th century rather than invade Taiwan. He stated: “If it is for the sake of territorial integrity, why doesn’t [the PRC] take back the lands occupied by Russia that were signed over in the treaty of Aigun?” This was a brilliant political move to finally state openly what many Chinese in both China and Taiwan have long been thinking about the lost territories in the Russian far east: The Russian far east should be “theirs.” Granted, Lai issued
On Sept. 2, Elbridge Colby, former deputy assistant secretary of defense for strategy and force development, wrote an article for the Wall Street Journal called “The US and Taiwan Must Change Course” that defends his position that the US and Taiwan are not doing enough to deter the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from taking Taiwan. Colby is correct, of course: the US and Taiwan need to do a lot more or the PRC will invade Taiwan like Russia did against Ukraine. The US and Taiwan have failed to prepare properly to deter war. The blame must fall on politicians and policymakers
Gogoro Inc was once a rising star and a would-be unicorn in the years prior to its debut on the NASDAQ in 2022, as its environmentally friendly technology and stylish design attracted local young people. The electric scooter and battery swapping services provider is bracing for a major personnel shakeup following the abrupt resignation on Friday of founding chairman Horace Luke (陸學森) as chief executive officer. Luke’s departure indicates that Gogoro is sinking into the trough of unicorn disillusionment, with the company grappling with poor financial performance amid a slowdown in demand at home and setbacks in overseas expansions. About 95