The administration of President Chen Shui-bian (
It is widely believed that the Kaohsiung MRT scandal and the involvement of former Presidential Office secretary-general Chen Che-nan (
After all, Chen and the DPP were elected into office on a promise to stamp out the "black gold" politics that dogged successive Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) governments. Voters supported the DPP for the first time because they perceived party members to be "real" people who had endured hardship over the years while working their way up the political ladder from the grassroots. They believed that politicians from such humble backgrounds could best understand their hopes and aspirations.
However, within a few short years of the DPP's rise to power, allegations of corruption and scandals within the party began to leave the public disillusioned, not to mention the often exaggerated media depictions of the lavish lifestyles being led by some among the new elite of rich and powerful DPP members. Unsurprisingly, the general public began to feel distant from those in power. The humble backgrounds of the politicians that used to inspire a sense of endearment now seemed to confirm that politicians are all the same once they get their hands on power.
Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that the Executive Yuan last week adopted a regulation that requires all appointed officials to have their property and assets placed into trust after they take up political posts. This new regulation goes one level higher than existing rules, which only require political administrators to declare their assets and property.
In addition, officials at the Presidential Office, including the president himself -- although it is not required by the new regulation -- will also place their assets into trust. The president had already begun to do so in 2004.
While the move is clearly a step in the right direction, the reform efforts should not stop here. The DPP desperately needs to rediscover its core ideals and values. A political party should not consist of a group of people who help each other obtain power and then share the rewards of that power among themselves. They should be people united in the conviction of achieving common goals for the good of the nation. Some members of the DPP should ask themselves what the reasons were that prompted them to join politics in the first place.
President Chen's recent speech concerning the abolition of the National Unification Council and unification guidelines, joining the UN under the name "Taiwan" and holding a referendum on a new constitution are refreshing ideas designed to put the DPP's core values back in the public eye.
The right to self-determination and sovereignty -- these are the core values of the DPP. People may have different opinions within the party on how to accomplish these goals, but there should be no debate over the goals themselves. The DPP needs to rediscover a sense of unity based around these common goals. Political bickering and struggles within the party should be replaced by rational discussion and debate. Otherwise, with all the infighting and division within the party, it will be hard for the public and other observers to see how the DPP differs from the nation's other political parties.
A failure by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to respond to Israel’s brilliant 12-day (June 12-23) bombing and special operations war against Iran, topped by US President Donald Trump’s ordering the June 21 bombing of Iranian deep underground nuclear weapons fuel processing sites, has been noted by some as demonstrating a profound lack of resolve, even “impotence,” by China. However, this would be a dangerous underestimation of CCP ambitions and its broader and more profound military response to the Trump Administration — a challenge that includes an acceleration of its strategies to assist nuclear proxy states, and developing a wide array
Twenty-four Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) lawmakers are facing recall votes on Saturday, prompting nearly all KMT officials and lawmakers to rally their supporters over the past weekend, urging them to vote “no” in a bid to retain their seats and preserve the KMT’s majority in the Legislative Yuan. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which had largely kept its distance from the civic recall campaigns, earlier this month instructed its officials and staff to support the recall groups in a final push to protect the nation. The justification for the recalls has increasingly been framed as a “resistance” movement against China and
Jaw Shaw-kong (趙少康), former chairman of Broadcasting Corp of China and leader of the “blue fighters,” recently announced that he had canned his trip to east Africa, and he would stay in Taiwan for the recall vote on Saturday. He added that he hoped “his friends in the blue camp would follow his lead.” His statement is quite interesting for a few reasons. Jaw had been criticized following media reports that he would be traveling in east Africa during the recall vote. While he decided to stay in Taiwan after drawing a lot of flak, his hesitation says it all: If
Saturday is the day of the first batch of recall votes primarily targeting lawmakers of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). The scale of the recall drive far outstrips the expectations from when the idea was mooted in January by Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) caucus whip Ker Chien-ming (柯建銘). The mass recall effort is reminiscent of the Sunflower movement protests against the then-KMT government’s non-transparent attempts to push through a controversial cross-strait service trade agreement in 2014. That movement, initiated by students, civic groups and non-governmental organizations, included student-led protesters occupying the main legislative chamber for three weeks. The two movements are linked
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