While domestic attention has again been focused on local politics and elections rather than international affairs, a closer look at the recent triangular goings on between Washington, Taipei and Beijing reveals an urgent need for President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) administration to reinforce its ties with the US.
US President George W. Bush wrapped up his Asian tour last week by strengthening the US' partnership with Japan and by continuing its dialogue with the Chinese government on several contentious issues.
Before visiting China, Bush promoted his "expansion of democracy" theory in Kyoto by lauding South Korea and Taiwan as models of economic liberalization turned political democracy. Bush held up Taiwan as a model for China's leaders to follow.
There is no doubt that the US and Taiwan share the universal values of democracy, freedom and human rights. But when it comes to the question of how to strike a balance between the growth of Taiwan's democratic consciousness and Washington's attempts to build a "candid, constructive and cooperative" partnership with China, it seems only the national interests of the US prevail. Even the "alliance of values" between Washington and Taipei can sometimes become distorted.
This was illustrated by the down-turn in US-Taiwan relations two years ago when a huge lack of understanding and trust occurred over Chen's advancement of a referendum. While Washington kept pressuring Chen to refrain from provoking China, the US failed to constrain Beijing's expansion of the missiles targeted at Taiwan and its diplomatic saber rattling and constriction of Taipei's international space.
Nevertheless, since Chen and Bush won re-election, relations have entered a renewed stage of mutual understanding and frank communication.
The Bush government's call for Beijing's leadership to engage in dialogue with Chen after former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT)chairman Lien Chan (
Therefore, Bush's recent statement presents a window of opportunity for the government to consolidate a sustainable partnership with the US.
The lack of intimate interaction between Bush and his Chinese counterpart, Hu Jintao (
One should not overlook the possible change of Chinese mindset as Beijing probably has its eyes on the next change of leadership in both Taiwan and the US. Until 2008, passive interaction with Taiwan and the US may become a central principle of Beijing's policy.
If this is the case, Washington may have difficulties in terms of introducing its model of "economy first, democracy later" to China. Such a theory also ignores the potential dangers associated with Beijing's continued military build-up and aggrandizement. The Chinese people's consciousness of "century-old humiliation" is often be used by Beijing authorities as a tool for stirring nationalist sentiment.
Most importantly, it is hard to force an authoritarian China to introduce democracy without inviting military resistance, especially if Beijing fails to control the People's Liberation Army.
Under such a geopolitical landscape, the Bush administration should really contemplate the degree to which Washington can keep a balance between safeguarding its own national interests and dealing with an undemocratic China while keeping a fully-fledged democratic Taiwan safe from China's military expansion.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
There is much evidence that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is sending soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — and is learning lessons for a future war against Taiwan. Until now, the CCP has claimed that they have not sent PLA personnel to support Russian aggression. On 18 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelinskiy announced that the CCP is supplying war supplies such as gunpowder, artillery, and weapons subcomponents to Russia. When Zelinskiy announced on 9 April that the Ukrainian Army had captured two Chinese nationals fighting with Russians on the front line with details
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), joined by the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), held a protest on Saturday on Ketagalan Boulevard in Taipei. They were essentially standing for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is anxious about the mass recall campaign against KMT legislators. President William Lai (賴清德) said that if the opposition parties truly wanted to fight dictatorship, they should do so in Tiananmen Square — and at the very least, refrain from groveling to Chinese officials during their visits to China, alluding to meetings between KMT members and Chinese authorities. Now that China has been defined as a foreign hostile force,
RSS