In March 1996, when Taiwan's first democratic presidential election was held, Beijing tried to threaten the Taiwanese electorate by firing missiles into territorial waters near Keelung and Kaohsiung. Two US aircraft carriers were dispatched, the first of which, the USS Independence, arrived off Keelung from its home base in Yokosuka, Japan.
On Oct. 28th, the US and Japanese governments announced in Tokyo that the successor to the USS Independence, the USS Kitty Hawk will be replaced in 2008 with a nuclear-powered aircraft carrier. The following day, in Washington, the US secretaries of state and defense and the Japanese ministers of foreign affairs and defense announced new roles and missions for US and Japanese forces and a realignment of US bases in Japan. Both of these announcements are very positive factors in support of Taiwan's self-determination.
The threat of North Korea's 200 plus intermediate-range Nodong missiles directly threaten Japan in the way that Chinese missiles threaten Taiwan. China helped to create North Korea's nuclear weapons program and now desires to force Taiwan from a path of self-determination to one of repression in a similar fashion to that of former president Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石).
If China succeeds, not only will Taiwan lose the freedom it has enjoyed since the end of martial law and the advent of free national elections, but US and Japanese security in the Western Pacific will be compromised. China also wants to replace the US as the chief source of influence in East Asia by driving a wedge between Japan and the US and by convincing Taiwan, Southeast Asian countries and even Australia that they would be better off following Beijing rather than Washington.
Despite its economic rise China cannot succeed unless Taiwan, Japan and the other Asian countries agree to live under Chinese hegemony. The Oct. 29 joint statement reflects Washington's determination to remain meaningfully engaged and Japan's commitment to stand by its alliance partner of more than half a century.
This is not only a step which benefits Taiwan, but it clearly benefits the US, Japan and other democracies in Asia. It will be criticized by the Chinese government, as was the deployment of the two carriers in 1996, but I dare say it is even good for China whose government will respect the combined determination of Washington and Tokyo -- whose economies and militaries dwarf those of China and will continue to do so for the foreseeable future.
The heart of the US-Japan alliance is the US Seventh Fleet which is often characterized as the "spear" of the alliance, while Japan's Self-Defense Forces are the "shield." The tip of the spear is the aircraft-carrier battle group, of which the US has 11, all of which will soon be nuclear powered and which can therefore travel faster, even in heavy seas, and can sustain themselves at sea without refueling for significant periods of time.
Only one US carrier has ever been based outside the US, in Yokosuka, where the USS Midway was sent in 1973. Its arrival strengthened the credibility of the US commitment to East Asian security immeasurably at a time when, as Beijing is saying now, Moscow was saying that it was the wave of the future in Pacific Asia.
On Feb. 19 the same four US and Japanese officials who met in Washington on Oct. 29, met in Tokyo and promulgated some "Common Strategic Objectives," one of which was maintaining peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait.
What this means is that, unless the Taiwanese people choose to become a province of China, the US and Japan will act to maintain Taiwan's choice to determine their livelihood independently of Chinese coercion. The Oct. 28 statement about the nuclear carrier and the Oct. 29 joint statement means that Washington and Tokyo will have a far more efficient means of achieving those Common Strategic Objectives.
As reported in an interview with the Taipei Times published on Oct. 31, retired Japanese Admiral Sumihiko Kawamura, a former anti-submarine air force commander, stated that China's submarines are mostly conventional and even its Kilo class submarines are easy to detect. He said that in conflict with the US and Japan, China's submarines were likely to last less than a week.
Asked if he thought that Taiwan needed to have new submarines as a top defense priority, Kawamura said P-3C maritime-patrol aircraft and better command, communications, coordination, computers, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (C4ISR) should take precedence.
A few Taiwanese submarines which are unable to communicate with US and Japanese aircraft carriers, surface ships, maritime-patrol aircraft and submarines might not survive a Chinese onslaught, and the US and Japan would be handicapped to come to the support of a Taiwanese navy and air force with which it cannot communicate on a real time basis.
The Feb. 19 statement of US-Japan common strategic objectives was an important signal to Taiwan and to China.
The Oct. 28 aircraft carrier decision and the Oct. 29 statement of the US and Japanese governments are evidence that by linking Taiwan to the US-Japan alliance, today's young Taiwanese and their children may continue to decide their own futures, a hard fought legacy achieved by their parents and grandparents after much suffering.
Washington and Tokyo are acting in their own national interests, but their decisions of Feb. 19 and of Oct. 28 and 29 have presented Taiwan a golden opportunity for freedom in the 21st century.
James Auer is a research professor at the Vanderbilt School of Engineering. He served as a special assistant for Japan in the Office of the Secretary of Defense for 10 years.
The White House’s decision to take a 9.9 percent stake in Intel Corp is looking like very shrewd business indeed. Since the government bought in at US$20.47 a share last August, the US chipmaker’s surging stock price has delivered the US a US$43 billion return. One of the reasons the investment has so far proved so sound is that the White House has made sure of it. According to The Wall Street Journal, Howard personally pushed deals on Intel’s behalf with some of the most lucrative clients imaginable. They include Nvidia Corp, the company at the heart of the AI
The Ministry of the Interior, working with the navy and coast guard, is organizing Taiwan’s first joint exercise simulating escort tankers carrying liquefied natural gas (LNG) and oil through a Chinese blockade. The drills simulate fuel transport along three maritime corridors leading toward Japan, the Philippines and the US. Deputy Minister of the Interior Sawyer Mars (馬士元) said that a blockade of the Taiwan Strait would amount to “almost a 100 percent blockade of the regional energy supply.” Minister of National Defense Wellington Koo said planning to counter a blockade is standard practice in Taipei. While the exercise is limited in
A single photograph can cut through a lot of noise, but it can also be used to misrepresent the truth. At the very least, it can concentrate the mind on something that requires further investigation. On Monday last week, Ma Ying-jeou Foundation CEO Tai Hsia-ling (戴遐齡) and former National Security Council secretary-general King Pu-tsung (金溥聰) held a news conference in which they showed a photograph of former foundation CEO Hsiao Hsu-tsen (蕭旭岑), now Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) deputy chairman. In the image Hsiao is seated next to Xiamen Taiwan Businessmen Association chairman Han Ying-huan (韓螢煥). The two men were holding
In a Taiwanese university classroom, a lecturer asks in English: “Can anyone give me an example from Taiwan?” Students look down. No one answers. After class, one student writes on the course platform in Mandarin: “I understood the concept, but I didn’t know how to answer in English.” That moment highlights a key issue in Taiwan’s English-medium instruction (EMI) reform: It is not just about more English-taught courses, but whether students can learn, participate and belong. EMI expansion is part of the Bilingual 2030 policy and the Ministry of Education’s BEST Program, aiming to improve English ability, support EMI teaching