With around 50 to 60 percent of the nation's banking assets controlled by state-run entities, financial regulators are under pressure to meet President Chen Shui-bian's (陳水扁) ambitious goal of halving the number of state banks to six by the end of this year. Though consolidation tops the government's financial reform agenda as a way to increase the competitiveness of local banks, the pace of merger activity has been slow, despite some merger and acquisition deals being sealed in the past few years.
Minister of Finance Lin Chuan's (
Taiwan Business Bank is the nation's ninth-largest lender by assets, with a market share of 4.1 percent and a distribution network of 125 branch offices. It is 41 percent owned by the Ministry of Finance and a few other state banks. Though it has the political mission of granting loans to small and medium-sized enterprises, the bank's market share in this niche is only 12 percent due to strong competition. But because of its past weakness in credit appraisal in its role as a funding channel for particular economic sectors, this lender has lost an average of NT$1.6 per share in each of the past four years.
Critics are concerned that the ministry's failure to sell its stake in Taiwan Business Bank may lead to a more cautious approach by potential buyers of domestic banks, given higher-than-expected integration risks such as strained labor relations. Market observers also worry that the four-day work stoppage by the bank's union could inspire other state bank unions to follow suit and obstruct mergers in the future. Chang Hwa Commercial Bank's (
Moreover, the Taiwan Business Bank incident has caught lawmakers' attention, and may prompt them to demand reviews of every government proposal on disposing of state bank shares. It will certainly increase uncertainty for investors and make it more difficult to reach Chen's target.
The planned privatization of the Central Trust of China (
Even so, the government should learn something from the incident and act to respond to investors' demands for a more open and transparent bidding process. Most importantly, the government needs to convince the market of its political will to proceed with privatization. If the government stops pushing forward, the market will take it as a sign that something is terribly wrong with the policy.
Labor disputes may have been the straw that broke the camel's back as far as Taiwan Business Bank is concerned. But even before those troubles, the bank's poor asset quality and performance made potential buyers far underbid the finance ministry's price targets.
This should teach both management and employees the lesson that their main responsibility is to strengthen the bank's operating efficiency, because successfully privatizing the bank is in the entire nation's interest. Anyone who jeopardizes that privatization and thus hurts the bank's business returns will therefore not be forgiven, even if they do so in the name of job security.
There has been much catastrophizing in Taiwan recently about America becoming more unreliable as a bulwark against Chinese pressure. Some of this has been sparked by debates in Washington about whether the United States should defend Taiwan in event of conflict. There also were understandable anxieties about whether President Trump would sacrifice Taiwan’s interests for a trade deal when he sat down with President Xi (習近平) in late October. On top of that, Taiwan’s opposition political leaders have sought to score political points by attacking the Lai (賴清德) administration for mishandling relations with the United States. Part of this budding anxiety
The diplomatic dispute between China and Japan over Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s comments in the Japanese Diet continues to escalate. In a letter to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, China’s UN Ambassador Fu Cong (傅聰) wrote that, “if Japan dares to attempt an armed intervention in the cross-Strait situation, it would be an act of aggression.” There was no indication that Fu was aware of the irony implicit in the complaint. Until this point, Beijing had limited its remonstrations to diplomatic summonses and weaponization of economic levers, such as banning Japanese seafood imports, discouraging Chinese from traveling to Japan or issuing
On Nov. 8, newly elected Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) and Vice Chairman Chi Lin-len (季麟連) attended a memorial for White Terror era victims, during which convicted Chinese Communist Party (CCP) spies such as Wu Shi (吳石) were also honored. Cheng’s participation in the ceremony, which she said was part of her efforts to promote cross-strait reconciliation, has trapped herself and her party into the KMT’s dark past, and risks putting the party back on its old disastrous road. Wu, a lieutenant general who was the Ministry of National Defense’s deputy chief of the general staff, was recruited
The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) on Nov. 5 recalled more than 150,000 eggs found to contain three times the legal limit of the pesticide metabolite fipronil-sulfone. Nearly half of the 1,169 affected egg cartons, which had been distributed across 10 districts, had already been sold. Using the new traceability system, officials quickly urged the public to avoid consuming eggs with the traceability code “I47045,” while the remainder were successfully recalled. Changhua County’s Wenya Farm — the source of the tainted eggs — was fined NT$120,000, and the Ministry of Agriculture instructed the county’s Animal Disease Control Center to require that