To set a clear agenda and operational guidelines on matters related to the national security, the National Security Council -- under the direct order of President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) -- is drafting a National Security Strategy Report (NSSR).
After a series of internal discussions, the NSSR will encompass five main areas, including economics and finance, humanistic society and the environment, national defense, cross-strait affairs and foreign affairs.
Given both domestic and external constraints, Chen and his national security team must put the emphasis on how they will realistically and pragmatically meet the challenges of world affairs, and outline the best national security strategies for Taiwan in the coming decades.
The NSSR must first define the gravest danger Taiwan faces and clarify strategies and tactics to defend our nation against enemies. The People's Republic of China (PRC) has incorporated military, diplomatic and economic means to threaten Taiwan. No doubt this constitutes the main threat to Taiwan's national security.
Under Chinese President Hu Jintao (
Nevertheless, the mainstream thinking in the international community -- led by the US -- remains preoccupied with a policy of "con-gagement," a combination of containment and engagement, to develop relations with the PRC.
Taiwan must honestly recognize the reality that most countries are preoccupied with a policy of "con-gagement." What Taiwan needs most is to prioritize its national security policies and work to achieve a balance of power that supports Taiwan's democracy and cross-strait peace.
One way to differentiate Taiwan from China is to resort to the values of democracy that distinguish "democratic Taiwan" from "authoritarian China." Taiwan can also highlight Beijing's unilateral sabotage of regional peace and stability by reaffirming the desire to play a more constructive role in forging peace across the Taiwan Strait and in the Asia-Pacific region.
To broaden its global presence and influence, Taiwan can also redirect attention and resources into a "Pacific Islands diplomacy," based primarily on oceanic or marine ties with countries in the Pacific Ocean.
After the two state visits by Chen to five of Taiwan's diplomatic allies in the South Pacific earlier this year and the successful transit stop in the Republic of Fiji, over half of the countries of the South Pacific showed support for Taiwan's bid for observer status in the World Health Assembly.
The application of the maritime-oriented South Pacific model to Southeast Asia, Europe and Africa would require a tremendous rethinking of the ingrained "continental" mentality of Taiwan's foreign ministry and other concerned agencies inherited from the "greater China" mentality of the former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) regime.
Such rethinking is long overdue and increasingly urgent, especially as Taiwan's ties in Central America, which have long been the center of Taiwan's diplomatic competition with the PRC, are being eroded by Beijing's use of economic incentives.
A detailed review of the domestic politics of Taiwan's allies in the region is of the utmost importance.
In addition, Taiwan must intensify its efforts to participate in regional organizations.
Those are the central issues that must be realistically and pragmatically addressed in the final version of the NSSR.
Liu Kuan-teh is a Taipei-based political commentator.
There is much evidence that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is sending soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — and is learning lessons for a future war against Taiwan. Until now, the CCP has claimed that they have not sent PLA personnel to support Russian aggression. On 18 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelinskiy announced that the CCP is supplying war supplies such as gunpowder, artillery, and weapons subcomponents to Russia. When Zelinskiy announced on 9 April that the Ukrainian Army had captured two Chinese nationals fighting with Russians on the front line with details
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), joined by the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), held a protest on Saturday on Ketagalan Boulevard in Taipei. They were essentially standing for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is anxious about the mass recall campaign against KMT legislators. President William Lai (賴清德) said that if the opposition parties truly wanted to fight dictatorship, they should do so in Tiananmen Square — and at the very least, refrain from groveling to Chinese officials during their visits to China, alluding to meetings between KMT members and Chinese authorities. Now that China has been defined as a foreign hostile force,