The affirmation that the "Christian identity of European people" is "historical evidence," ("Thank God for the French," Letters, June 1, page 8), shows a lack of understanding of the complexion of Europe today.
First of all, French voters' rejection of the EU constitution has nothing to do with religious matters, but is the result of economic and political dissatisfaction.
Speaking of religion, I would use myself as an example. I am a European from France and am Catholic. I am of Jewish descent and I have two French cousins, whose last name is Al Yussuf, and who are both Muslim.
I am Catholic, but certainly not Christian, as the only person I pray to when I have some trouble is the Virgin Mary, who is seen as the gardener of us all. She is much more recognized in the south of France than the Christ himself. It is not by chance that in Marseille "La bonne Mere" (the Holy Good Mother) is the most important monument.
Religion doesn't have much to do with the European identity, and that is why the constitution does not mention the Christian identity in defining our big community. I am closer to people from the Mediterranean, from Morocco to Lebanon and through to Greece than I ever would be to my fellow compatriots from the north of France.
Turkey, with its 100 million Muslims, has always played a big part in the European identity. It has always been the gateway to commercial exchange with the East, and has played a big part in European development. How many Turkish people are living in Germany today? And in France?
The etymology of my last name comes from Turkey and means "mosque," which is quite funny for a person of Jewish descent.
There are many good reasons Turkey should be refused entry in the EU, but none of them should be based on religious criteria.
To conclude, I would like to note also that the last time Europe was united was under the Roman Empire, by people who were firm believers in polytheism. So, where is the "Christian identity" of Europe? Is it really historical evidence?
David Camhi
Taipei
Two sets of economic data released last week by the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS) have drawn mixed reactions from the public: One on the nation’s economic performance in the first quarter of the year and the other on Taiwan’s household wealth distribution in 2021. GDP growth for the first quarter was faster than expected, at 6.51 percent year-on-year, an acceleration from the previous quarter’s 4.93 percent and higher than the agency’s February estimate of 5.92 percent. It was also the highest growth since the second quarter of 2021, when the economy expanded 8.07 percent, DGBAS data showed. The growth
In the intricate ballet of geopolitics, names signify more than mere identification: They embody history, culture and sovereignty. The recent decision by China to refer to Arunachal Pradesh as “Tsang Nan” or South Tibet, and to rename Tibet as “Xizang,” is a strategic move that extends beyond cartography into the realm of diplomatic signaling. This op-ed explores the implications of these actions and India’s potential response. Names are potent symbols in international relations, encapsulating the essence of a nation’s stance on territorial disputes. China’s choice to rename regions within Indian territory is not merely a linguistic exercise, but a symbolic assertion
More than seven months into the armed conflict in Gaza, the International Court of Justice ordered Israel to take “immediate and effective measures” to protect Palestinians in Gaza from the risk of genocide following a case brought by South Africa regarding Israel’s breaches of the 1948 Genocide Convention. The international community, including Amnesty International, called for an immediate ceasefire by all parties to prevent further loss of civilian lives and to ensure access to life-saving aid. Several protests have been organized around the world, including at the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA) and many other universities in the US.
In the 2022 book Danger Zone: The Coming Conflict with China, academics Hal Brands and Michael Beckley warned, against conventional wisdom, that it was not a rising China that the US and its allies had to fear, but a declining China. This is because “peaking powers” — nations at the peak of their relative power and staring over the precipice of decline — are particularly dangerous, as they might believe they only have a narrow window of opportunity to grab what they can before decline sets in, they said. The tailwinds that propelled China’s spectacular economic rise over the past