Minister of National Defense Lee Jye (
If the arms purchase bill is passed, the capability ratio will fall to a manageable and reassuring level. If an enemy has reasonable expectation of failure, then it will not likely order an attack.
China's national defense expenditure for this year is up 12.6 percent, but spending growth has been in double figures for several years now. In addition, other defense expenditures are tucked away in other areas of the budget which, if added to the official numbers, would amount to a quite astonishing figure.
In comparison, Taiwan's defense expenditure has increased by only 3 percent, leaving a worrying gap in the military spending of both countries. In addition, China has consistently lobbied a receptive Europe Union to lift its arms embargo, which will mean even more high-grade military equipment making its way across from Europe. The significant boost to China's military capability that would follow this abandonment of all propriety on the part of the EU cannot be ignored.
China is currently reviewing "anti-secession" legislation, which will make possible the use of "non-peaceful means" to counter Taiwanese independence, or even autonomy. These means could include a blockade or even invasion.
However it is manifested, the law is essentially a license to instigate hostilities against Taiwan.
Because the right of interpretation of the law lies with China, it can characterize any democratic activity within Taiwan as pro-independence, and use this as a basis for implementing these "non-peaceful means."
Coupled with the difference in cross-strait military capabilities, such acts of intimidation would amount to planting a time bomb. The foundations of peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region would be utterly compromised by it.
In the past, the People First Party (PFP) was the party most strongly opposed to the arms-procurement plan. But President Chen Shui-bian (
After February, Soong visited Washington, where he apparently learned of US concerns over Taiwan's security situation, and after the release of the joint statement of the US-Japan Security Consultative Committee, which made the issue regarding the Taiwan Strait a "common strategic objective," our responsibility for our own security has also increased.
Now that negotiations between the administration and the PFP have seen a degree of unity, the PFP should deliver on its commitment and pass the procurement plan. This is the fundamental way to avoid cross-strait conflict.
As strategic tensions escalate across the vast Indo-Pacific region, Taiwan has emerged as more than a potential flashpoint. It is the fulcrum upon which the credibility of the evolving American-led strategy of integrated deterrence now rests. How the US and regional powers like Japan respond to Taiwan’s defense, and how credible the deterrent against Chinese aggression proves to be, will profoundly shape the Indo-Pacific security architecture for years to come. A successful defense of Taiwan through strengthened deterrence in the Indo-Pacific would enhance the credibility of the US-led alliance system and underpin America’s global preeminence, while a failure of integrated deterrence would
The Executive Yuan recently revised a page of its Web site on ethnic groups in Taiwan, replacing the term “Han” (漢族) with “the rest of the population.” The page, which was updated on March 24, describes the composition of Taiwan’s registered households as indigenous (2.5 percent), foreign origin (1.2 percent) and the rest of the population (96.2 percent). The change was picked up by a social media user and amplified by local media, sparking heated discussion over the weekend. The pan-blue and pro-China camp called it a politically motivated desinicization attempt to obscure the Han Chinese ethnicity of most Taiwanese.
On Wednesday last week, the Rossiyskaya Gazeta published an article by Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) asserting the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) territorial claim over Taiwan effective 1945, predicated upon instruments such as the 1943 Cairo Declaration and the 1945 Potsdam Proclamation. The article further contended that this de jure and de facto status was subsequently reaffirmed by UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 of 1971. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs promptly issued a statement categorically repudiating these assertions. In addition to the reasons put forward by the ministry, I believe that China’s assertions are open to questions in international
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