Today, one of the most controversial treaties in decades becomes part of international law. It has been heralded as a breakthrough in the fight against dangerous climate change and a triumph for international diplomacy -- despite the fact that the US, the world's greatest emitter of greenhouse gases, refuses to take part.
The protocol, an addition to the Climate Change Convention negotiated at the Earth Summit in 1992, is the first legally binding international treaty on the environment. The convention placed an obligation on every country that signed it to reduce man-made greenhouse gas emissions but did not give any targets -- so everyone agreed another agreement was needed.
ILLUSTRATION: MOUNTAIN PEOPLE
Kyoto gives each of the industrialized countries of the world an individual limit to the greenhouse gas emissions they can make. The reductions overall are tiny compared with the cuts that scientists say are necessary to stabilize the climate. So will Kyoto really make a difference to whether global warming is contained? Can it save the planet from the potential of runaway global warming?
Here we explain the nuts and bolts of Kyoto, how it works, and what it does.
One, what is Kyoto designed to reduce?
Six gases: Carbon dioxide from the burning of fossil fuels is the biggest factor in climate change but methane from agriculture and landfill, nitrous oxide from vehicles, and hydofluorocarbons, perfluorocarbons and sulphur hexafluoride from other industrial processes are included.
Two, why do different countries have different targets?
In 1997, in Kyoto, a protocol or addition to the original treaty was negotiated after many tortuous sessions in special case, and so the idea of differential responsibilities was born.
The first major difference in responsibilities was between industrial countries and developing countries. It was felt that industrial countries, which had gained most from the industrial revolution were also most to blame for the greenhouse effect. It was therefore agreed that the first round of reductions should be from them and the countries, such as the US and Japan, which are now burning most fossil fuels.
There were 34 industrial countries which agreed to targets, most of them in Europe. Some, such as Spain and Portugal, which were still developing, were allowed large increases in emissions and others, such as Germany, agreed to large cuts, partly because its heavy industry was shutting down but mainly because the government felt that it had to give a lead. Each country can discover how much CO2 it emits by calculating the volume of fossil fuels it burns, usually through imports and the tax system.
Three, what difference does the US make?
The treaty immediately hit a snag because politicians in the US, the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, passed a vote in the US Senate refusing to ratify the protocol. This was because they felt that China and other developing countries would gain a competitive advantage over them, because they would not have the costs of reducing emissions.
The snag could have been devastating because, under the rules negotiated in Kyoto, industrialized countries responsible for 55 percent of the emissions had to have their national parliaments ratify the convention before it could come into force. Since the US is responsible for 36 percent of the greenhouse gases from the industrialized world it meant that almost all the other countries which had agreed targets had to ratify the protocol before it could come into force.
Russia had doubts that the treaty was worthwhile without the US, but without Moscow's agreement the treaty could not reach the 55 percent of emissions threshold. After two years of delays Russia ratified last December, bringing the emission total to 61 percent.
Ninety days later -- today -- it comes into legal force. Only four of the original 34 nations have refused to take part: the US (36.1 percent of the greenhouse gas emissions of the industrialized world), Australia (2.1 percent), Liechtenstein (.001 percent) and Monaco (.001 percent).
Four, how do the targets work?
In the intervening years countries have been working to reduce emissions. The measurements are generally taken from a starting date of 1990, and the targets for each country must be reached by the period 2008 to 2012. Some former communist countries, known in the jargon as "countries in transition," were allowed to chose a different date because after the collapse of communism many closed heavy industries.
Unlike the rest of the world, the former Eastern Bloc countries had a slump in emissions. This has become important to the workings of the treaty.
Under the treaty, each country has to report to the secretariat of the United National Climate Change Convention each year what its emissions are and how it is progressing to its target. Each country also has to show what it is doing to reduce emissions and, if it is not reaching the target, what further measures are proposed.
One of the anomalies negotiated at Kyoto was that the EU, then consisting of only 15 countries, negotiated a single target for itself of an 8 percent reduction over 1990 levels. This was because some countries had more advanced economies than others. But in Ireland, which was allowed a 13 percent rise, the economic boom which has been enjoyed there means emissions are already up by 29 percent -- so wildly over target that the Dublin government is under heavy pressure to act to reduce the growth.
The UK agreed to a reduction of 12.5 percent, confident that with the switch from coal generation of electricity to gas it was already reducing CO2 emissions. (Gas produces about one-third less CO2 per unit of electricity than a coal-fired station.) But since the Labour government came to power in the UK in 1997, CO2 emissions have grown and new measures to reduce them are being considered. One of the problems is that the government has failed in its promise to reduce traffic, and the price of gas has increased so some electricity generators are burning more coal.
Five, how does Kyoto affect the UK?
Among the measures the Blair government has taken is pouring money into renewables to reach a 10 percent target by 2010, and force electricity distributors to buy electricity from "green power," even though it is more expensive than that produced by fossil fuels. This has given consumers the option to buy green electricity. There are also a range of products on the market such as gas-condensing boilers, long-life lightbulbs and schemes to insulate people's homes, which save a lot of electricity. There are a lot of cash incentives and subsidies for such schemes, but none are compulsory.
One other way in which our lives have changed because of Kyoto, without us noticing, is that car engines have become more efficient.
Many people do not take advantage of this and buy fashionable 4x4s which are heavy on fuel. The British government introduced a fuel escalator to reduce emissions from vehicles, but gave up after protests, leading directly to a rise in greenhouse gases. The UK is still under its 12.5 percent target, but only just.
The EU has also brought in a number of measures. The UK's current boom in recycling is a direct result of an EU scheme to increase recycling of biodegradeable rubbish. This is the rubbish such as paper and organics that, when piled into landfills, produces methane, a far more potent greenhouse gas than CO2.
Six, what else does Kyoto encourage countries to do?
There are three other ways that countries can reduce emissions, apart from measures at home. The first two involve working with other countries to reduce their emissions. The reasoning behind this is that the atmosphere does not care in which country the reductions are made -- what it needs is a reduction in greenhouse gases.
There are two categories in which two countries can jointly reduce emissions, depending on the type of country. If they are both developed countries and both have to make reductions it is called a joint implementation scheme, and if one is a developing country then a clean development mechanism.
In this first case -- if British money is spent in Poland making a power plant more efficient -- it saves more CO2 than if the same money was spent on making an already efficient plant in England slightly better.
The second method involves installing a clean method of producing electricity such as solar power in a developing country as an alternative to a CO2 -producing method like coal. In this case, the developed country claims all the carbon credit.
The third method is carbon trading. This greatly benefits the former communist countries which, because of the closure of their heavy industries since 1990, have saved thousands of tonnes of emissions.
Two sets of economic data released last week by the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS) have drawn mixed reactions from the public: One on the nation’s economic performance in the first quarter of the year and the other on Taiwan’s household wealth distribution in 2021. GDP growth for the first quarter was faster than expected, at 6.51 percent year-on-year, an acceleration from the previous quarter’s 4.93 percent and higher than the agency’s February estimate of 5.92 percent. It was also the highest growth since the second quarter of 2021, when the economy expanded 8.07 percent, DGBAS data showed. The growth
In the intricate ballet of geopolitics, names signify more than mere identification: They embody history, culture and sovereignty. The recent decision by China to refer to Arunachal Pradesh as “Tsang Nan” or South Tibet, and to rename Tibet as “Xizang,” is a strategic move that extends beyond cartography into the realm of diplomatic signaling. This op-ed explores the implications of these actions and India’s potential response. Names are potent symbols in international relations, encapsulating the essence of a nation’s stance on territorial disputes. China’s choice to rename regions within Indian territory is not merely a linguistic exercise, but a symbolic assertion
More than seven months into the armed conflict in Gaza, the International Court of Justice ordered Israel to take “immediate and effective measures” to protect Palestinians in Gaza from the risk of genocide following a case brought by South Africa regarding Israel’s breaches of the 1948 Genocide Convention. The international community, including Amnesty International, called for an immediate ceasefire by all parties to prevent further loss of civilian lives and to ensure access to life-saving aid. Several protests have been organized around the world, including at the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA) and many other universities in the US.
In the 2022 book Danger Zone: The Coming Conflict with China, academics Hal Brands and Michael Beckley warned, against conventional wisdom, that it was not a rising China that the US and its allies had to fear, but a declining China. This is because “peaking powers” — nations at the peak of their relative power and staring over the precipice of decline — are particularly dangerous, as they might believe they only have a narrow window of opportunity to grab what they can before decline sets in, they said. The tailwinds that propelled China’s spectacular economic rise over the past