Malalai Joya pushed her black head scarf forward to cover her hair fully, then opened her mouth.
Out poured a torrent of words, in a voice rising with emotion. Why, she asked the delegates assembled here on Dec. 17 to ratify a new constitution for Afghanistan, were her countrymen and women tolerating the presence of the "criminals" who had destroyed the country?
"They should be brought to national and international justice," she said. "If our people forgive them, history will not."
It took a moment for the 502 delegates to absorb the import of her words. When they did, the result was bedlam: Shouts of "Death to Communism!" and a rush by some toward the stage, and toward the diminutive Joya as well.
All of 25, Joya, a social worker from Farah Province, in the southwest, had crossed several lines at once. She had spoken her mind as few Afghan women dare to do. More important, as many interpreted her words, she had spoken against the mujahedeen, or holy warriors, who fought and humbled the Soviet Union. They are a sacrosanct constituency in this country, and a powerful political force in this assembly.
Many Afghans, however, now call those commanders warlords, blaming them for the destruction of Kabul in a vicious civil war that began in 1992 after the fall of the Communist government and ended only when the Taliban conquered the country in 1996 and imposed their harsh brand of Islamic law.
But few dare say "warlord" aloud.
Joya's experience helps explain why. The assembly chairman, Sebaghatullah Mojeddidi, himself a former mujahedeen leader, called for security officers and tried to throw her out. He was persuaded not to, but he then asked her to apologize to the gathering. She refused. He finally accepted the apologies of others on her behalf.
"My sister, you did an astounding thing," Mojeddidi said. "You have upset everybody here."
At a news conference later, he said: "In fact we wanted to take her out for the good of herself. Who can stand against mujahedeen to defend her? They've stood against big powers. You know mujahedeen when they get angry at these things. They don't care about anyone."
Two hours after she spoke, an ashen-faced Joya was in the UN tent at the assembly, escorted by two women, members of the security force. She later returned to the assembly but was closely watched to ensure her safety. Amnesty International issued a press release saying that some people present when she spoke had been heard vowing to kill her.
After a similar assembly last year, a man who had complained about jihadis, the most religiously conservative mujahedeen, was so seriously threatened that he and his family were granted political asylum in the West.
By accident or intent, Joya had stepped directly on the fault line of a power struggle that has already emerged in the first few days of this gathering.
On one side are the country's American-backed interim president, Hamid Karzai, and his allies, who support a draft constitution that ensures a strong presidency, in part to check the power of the warlords.
On the other side are the jihadis. Many favor a parliamentary system that would limit the power of Karzai and give greater weight to Islam than the current draft does. They are suspicious of Western involvement in the country's political affairs.
While Karzai's faction, backed by the international community, may ultimately have the edge, his opponents have repeatedly showed their strength.
When, for example, the chairman could not restore order after Joya's speech, one of the men she was probably referring to -- Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, an imposing mujahedeen commander and Islamist scholar whom many accuse of human rights atrocities -- had little trouble doing so.
He took the stage to quiet the crowd, then delivered a 15-minute lecture (most delegates, Joya included, get two or three minutes) implicitly accusing her of being a Communist.
"When you are calling those heroes who fought for the freedom of the country criminals," he said, "it means you are a criminal yourself."
The previous day, Sayyaf and his allies had managed to gain control of most of the assembly committees, where the real discussions on the draft constitution will take place.
Under a plan devised by the constitutional commission and the UN, the 502 delegates will divide into 10 committees of 50 people each to allow for more manageable discussion. The real aim, however, is to prevent religious conservatives and those opposed to a strong presidency from steamrolling the debate by intimidation or sheer force of numbers, officials have admitted.
The jihadis had opposed the idea of committees on just those grounds, then suddenly agreed to the idea last week. Sayyaf called for the committees to be carefully structured so that each included religious scholars, jihadis, lawyers and elders.
Later he won his way, a major concession by the constitutional commission, which had intended to use a computer-run random selection, one foreign official said.
At least six of the 10 committees have chosen jihadis as chairmen, including the former president, Burhanuddin Rabbani, and Sayyaf. No women were chosen to lead any committees, though there are about 100 women serving as delegates.
The 10 committee chairmen will wield considerable influence because they will be part of the final reconciliation group that will prepare amendments to put to the vote of the full assembly.
The jihadis' control of the committees had upset moderate delegates, and may have provoked Joya's tirade last Wednesday. She referred to the chairmen in her speech.
In a brief interview last Monday, before she became a very public figure, Joya said she worked for a nongovernmental organization in Farah, helping at the main hospital and running literacy programs for women, and a nursery and an orphanage.
Her one goal, she said, was to "improve the women of Afghanistan." She complained that security in Farah Province, where factional commanders hold sway, often fighting amongst themselves, was so bad that it was impossible to provide health care outside the capital. And she had pointed out that she was the namesake of a legendary Pashtun woman, Malalai, who had fought the British in 1880.
Joya's comments fiercely divided the women at the assembly. Some called her brave. Others called her unprintable names for soiling the memory of the warriors who had spilled blood for her country.
Fatima Gailani, a member of the constitutional commission, called her rash. "I think she's very young," Gailani said.
She said she had met with Joya and explained to her that for the country to move forward with unity, women had to proceed carefully.
"Till when should we keep quiet?" Joya had responded.
The answer was easy, Gailani said: "Till we are strong, till the country is strong, till our democracy is strong, till women's situation in this country is strong. Then we can open our mouths."
But Safia Sidiqi, a deputy chairwoman of the assembly, defended Joya's right to speak freely. "If you are working for democracy here in this country, this is one way, this is one step," she said. "People should have freedom of expression."
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