China's authoritarian government regularly and systematically ignores universally recognized rights. It is beyond dispute that the Communist Party detains individuals for expressing political opinions and for practicing religious beliefs that are viewed to be subversive to the control of the central authorities.
Apologists for Beijing often try to raise an argument based upon moral relativism or a suggestion that China's underdeveloped economy is a mitigating factor. However, violations of human rights cannot be dismissed on grounds of cultural differences or of stages of economic development.
Ironically, it can be argued that overseas Chinese are responsible for the limited outcry over Beijing's abuses. Although ethnic Chinese around the world exhibit pride in their heritage, they avoid critical assessments of what that culture has brought the country of their origin. It would appear that individuals of Chinese descent are less moved by persecution of their ethnic brethren than were African Americans who spearheaded the anti-apartheid movement.
Instead, there are assertions that the best way to improve human rights in China is through trade and investment. Multinational corporations are portrayed as an important engine of change that will generate a "multiplier" effect to improve the lot of Chinese citizens. It is partially true that foreign trade and investment in China can contribute to prosperity for some people in a few parts of China. However, the impact of external economic influences cannot raise the standard of living of most Chinese in an extensive or substantial manner.
On the one hand, economists offer little evidence to identify or quantify multipliers of any sort that generate an appreciable impact. Even if multipliers had worked elsewhere, it is far-fetched to expect them to operate in China's economy.
First, there are large disparities of income in between urban and rural areas due to uneven economic development. Second, these gaps can be expected to widen until China develops the physical infrastructure needed for a unified, national economy. As it is, the poor communication or transportation networks do not provide adequate links between the commercial centers of the hinterland.
On the other hand, after 20 years of economic reform and hundreds of billions of dollars in foreign investment, foreign-invested enterprises employ less than 1 percent of the Chinese labor force. Given the slowdown in foreign direct investment into China, this proportion is unlikely to rise significantly.
Another claim is that investments by multinational corporations in production facilities will hasten the move toward economic prosperity while introducing merit-based hiring practices as well as new models of leadership.
The belief that trade will democratize China is supported by political theorists ranging from Aristotle to Seymour Martin Lipset who argued that democracy is more sustainable only after a country reaches a threshold level of economic development. There is some evidence to support the belief. Taiwan's presidential election might be treated as a case where economic development encourages democratization.
However, the object is not merely about whether citizens have voting rights, itself a necessary and sufficient condition for a regime to call itself a democracy. Poor North Korea considers itself a democracy. Rich Singapore does as well despite its petty repressions and government-orchestrated attacks on political opposition figures. Many of the developed Asian economies have political systems that are paragons of "illiberal" democracy and lack the trappings of a civil society.
There is little evidence that prosperity provides the impetus for the formation of civil institutions. A mature civil society will have mechanisms for contract negotiation, the non-arbitrary application of the rule of law to protect individual rights and private property, a commitment to open and competitive economies as well as accountable and transparent political governance. Most Asian nations score low on this list.
The middle class may indeed be a necessary element of the formation of civil society that serves as a counter-balance to government abuse. However, an emerging, prosperous bourgeoisie is not sufficient to moderate authoritarian rule. Co-optation of the middle class and the implementation of government-sponsored organizations can supplant or forestall voluntary and spontaneous arrangements.
There are also claims that international companies will inspire the cadres to operate as if they were in a meritocratic setting. Most multinational corporations face the hindrance of having a local joint partner, most of whom have acquired their wealth and power through connections to the Communist Party. With so few opportunities for individuals to work in private sector firms, there are still strong incentives for many others to seek their fortune by joining the Communist Party or work for a state-owned enterprise.
Because of the severe restrictions on the development of private sector initiatives by both domestic and foreign interests, few state-owned enterprise are forced to face open competition. So there is little pressure on them to introduce better employment practices to increase productivity and improve product quality.
It will be a very long time before there are self-made entrepreneurs sufficient in number to join with employees in foreign-based corporations to be an effective force to influence political outcomes. Therefore, it is a stretch to believe that foreign influences can accelerate and expand the middle class and contribute to China's democratization.
Proponents of China's entry to the WTO or granting Permanent Normal Trade Relations rely upon similar exaggerations. The pressure upon social change is likely to be so slight and take so long that these initiatives will have little influence over China's authoritarian government.
Christopher Lingle is an independent corporate consultant and adjunct scholar of the Center for Independent Studies in Sydney who authored The Rise and Decline of the Asian Century. His e-mail address is: CLINGLE@ufm.edu.gt.
Two sets of economic data released last week by the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS) have drawn mixed reactions from the public: One on the nation’s economic performance in the first quarter of the year and the other on Taiwan’s household wealth distribution in 2021. GDP growth for the first quarter was faster than expected, at 6.51 percent year-on-year, an acceleration from the previous quarter’s 4.93 percent and higher than the agency’s February estimate of 5.92 percent. It was also the highest growth since the second quarter of 2021, when the economy expanded 8.07 percent, DGBAS data showed. The growth
In the intricate ballet of geopolitics, names signify more than mere identification: They embody history, culture and sovereignty. The recent decision by China to refer to Arunachal Pradesh as “Tsang Nan” or South Tibet, and to rename Tibet as “Xizang,” is a strategic move that extends beyond cartography into the realm of diplomatic signaling. This op-ed explores the implications of these actions and India’s potential response. Names are potent symbols in international relations, encapsulating the essence of a nation’s stance on territorial disputes. China’s choice to rename regions within Indian territory is not merely a linguistic exercise, but a symbolic assertion
More than seven months into the armed conflict in Gaza, the International Court of Justice ordered Israel to take “immediate and effective measures” to protect Palestinians in Gaza from the risk of genocide following a case brought by South Africa regarding Israel’s breaches of the 1948 Genocide Convention. The international community, including Amnesty International, called for an immediate ceasefire by all parties to prevent further loss of civilian lives and to ensure access to life-saving aid. Several protests have been organized around the world, including at the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA) and many other universities in the US.
Every day since Oct. 7 last year, the world has watched an unprecedented wave of violence rain down on Israel and the occupied Palestinian Territories — more than 200 days of constant suffering and death in Gaza with just a seven-day pause. Many of us in the American expatriate community in Taiwan have been watching this tragedy unfold in horror. We know we are implicated with every US-made “dumb” bomb dropped on a civilian target and by the diplomatic cover our government gives to the Israeli government, which has only gotten more extreme with such impunity. Meantime, multicultural coalitions of US