The scene in the glittering ballroom of the Istana Hotel in central Kuala Lumpur was unusual, to say the least.
Hundreds of political activists from Malaysia's People's Justice Party, Keadilan, were joined by businessmen, diplomats and journalists to discuss political reform in Southeast Asia. They dined on curried mutton and chicken and, Malaysia being an Islamic country, drank orange juice and coffee.
But when the guests settled back to listen to the after-dinner speeches, the extraordinary nature of the occasion became apparent.
ILLUSTRATION: YUSHA
This wasn't a government function and no Malaysian ministers were invited.
It was, to put it bluntly, a lavish exercise in political subversion, for Keadilan is an opposition party led by the black sheep of Malaysian politics, Anwar Ibrahim, and his wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail.
Anwar has become a non-person, officially speaking, since he was ousted as deputy prime minister in 1998 and jailed by the government of former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad.
His party had to obtain a permit even to hold the banquet at all -- not always easy, since permission is often withheld and many hotel managements are reluctant to be associated with "troublemakers."
There were nervous jokes about keeping a watch on the door in case the Police Special Branch burst in and arrested everyone under the detested Internal Security Act.
And when the speeches began, it became evident that the real target of the discussion on reform was not Myanmar or some other regional regime but Malaysia itself.
One party, the United Malays National Organization, has dominated Malaysian politics since independence from Britain in 1957 and is used to having its own way, winning a virtual landslide victory last year that Keadilan and other opponents say were manipulated.
But as events across the world continue to show, virtual one-party states, pseudo-democracies and self-perpetuating ruling elites are going out of fashion.
Many Malaysians would say such descriptions do not apply to them. And perhaps it was a coincidence that Ukraine's ambassador attended the dinner. But perhaps not.
The people of Ukraine, along with those of Georgia, Serbia, Lebanon, Kyrgyzstan and Indonesia, have all recently opted for a new brand of genuinely pluralist politics.
Anwar's purpose in holding the banquet seemed to be to suggest that the time for a similar change in Malaysia was fast approaching, too.
The guest speakers certainly thought so. Datuk Yeop Adlan Bin Che Rose, a former Malaysian ambassador, denounced "political gangsterism" in Malaysia "legitimized by the use and abuse of the Westminster system of parliamentary democracy." He decried "endemic corruption and cronyism at the highest levels of government," ridiculing official pledges to mount a crackdown on graft.
"You can pour any amount of perfume on dung," he said. "But when the alcohol evaporates, what you are left with is still shit."
Progressive Thai Senator Kraisak Choonhavan said that his own country had suffered years of violent military dictatorship before establishing constitutional civilian government. Malaysians such as Anwar had been fortunate in one sense, he said.
"In Thailand they don't lock you up. They just shoot you," he said.
Amien Rais, the former speaker of the Indonesian parliament who helped lead the 1998 pro-democracy revolution that toppled General Suharto, spelled out the steps required if lasting, meaningful reform were to be achieved. Constitutional protections for human rights, freedom of religion and the press, clean governance and the pre-eminence of the rule of law were essential building blocks in the construction of a truly democratic state, he said.
"Under Suharto our republic was transformed into some sort of kingdom," Rais said. "He was suffering from Louis XIV syndrome -- `l'etat, c'est moi.'"
Things were not so bad in Malaysia, he conceded. But he warned that a reformed Indonesia, for all its remaining imperfections, was leaving its neighbor behind.
Anwar's concluding speech was listened to in rapt silence. He said the movement for reformasi in Malaysia could not be constrained for much longer. Unemployment was rising, the economy was sinking under the weight of incompetence and corruption and foreign investors were taking flight. Attacking his nemesis, Mahathir, he said the official gagging and self-censorship of Malaysia's media were reminiscent of "Nazi Germany's propaganda machine."
After recuperating abroad from his six-year jail ordeal, he said he would come home to Malaysia at the end of the year.
"I am committed to change and will continue to work with all progressive forces in Malaysia to pursue the reform agenda," he pledged.
Anwar's permanent return next year could presage significant upheavals in Malaysia, especially if an economic downturn exacerbates political discontent. But that may be still in the future. What was startling about the "Evening with Anwar" at the Istana Hotel in downtown Kuala Lumpur was the powerful strength of feeling, freely expressed, against a continuation of the status quo.
"We are wallowing in our own muck," protested Datuk Yeop Adlan Bin Che Rose.
It was time, he suggested, for all Malaysians to stand up and brush themselves down.
The White House’s decision to take a 9.9 percent stake in Intel Corp is looking like very shrewd business indeed. Since the government bought in at US$20.47 a share last August, the US chipmaker’s surging stock price has delivered the US a US$43 billion return. One of the reasons the investment has so far proved so sound is that the White House has made sure of it. According to The Wall Street Journal, Howard personally pushed deals on Intel’s behalf with some of the most lucrative clients imaginable. They include Nvidia Corp, the company at the heart of the AI
In a Taiwanese university classroom, a lecturer asks in English: “Can anyone give me an example from Taiwan?” Students look down. No one answers. After class, one student writes on the course platform in Mandarin: “I understood the concept, but I didn’t know how to answer in English.” That moment highlights a key issue in Taiwan’s English-medium instruction (EMI) reform: It is not just about more English-taught courses, but whether students can learn, participate and belong. EMI expansion is part of the Bilingual 2030 policy and the Ministry of Education’s BEST Program, aiming to improve English ability, support EMI teaching
A single photograph can cut through a lot of noise, but it can also be used to misrepresent the truth. At the very least, it can concentrate the mind on something that requires further investigation. On Monday last week, Ma Ying-jeou Foundation CEO Tai Hsia-ling (戴遐齡) and former National Security Council secretary-general King Pu-tsung (金溥聰) held a news conference in which they showed a photograph of former foundation CEO Hsiao Hsu-tsen (蕭旭岑), now Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) deputy chairman. In the image Hsiao is seated next to Xiamen Taiwan Businessmen Association chairman Han Ying-huan (韓螢煥). The two men were holding
The Ministry of the Interior, working with the navy and coast guard, is organizing Taiwan’s first joint exercise simulating escort tankers carrying liquefied natural gas (LNG) and oil through a Chinese blockade. The drills simulate fuel transport along three maritime corridors leading toward Japan, the Philippines and the US. Deputy Minister of the Interior Sawyer Mars (馬士元) said that a blockade of the Taiwan Strait would amount to “almost a 100 percent blockade of the regional energy supply.” Minister of National Defense Wellington Koo said planning to counter a blockade is standard practice in Taipei. While the exercise is limited in