The Law of Unintended Consequences has been operative once again, this time in the intense Japanese reaction to several weeks of Chinese demonstrations against Japan, some of them violent. In a word, the eruption in China has backfired in Japan.
Ten days of conversations with Japanese government officials, diplomats, business executives, military officers, academics, journalists and private citizens in Tokyo and Kyoto have turned up a deep-seated anger against China that is likely to be long-lasting.
Moreover, many Japanese have added a disdain for South Korea due to what they see as Seoul's echo of China's anti-Japanese posture, always an easy position for Koreans to take because of Japan's 35-year occupation of Korea that ended in 1945.
"They have gone over to the Chinese side," a Japanese diplomat said with a wave of his hand.
For the US, the antagonism between China and South Korea on one side and Japan on the other has confronted the Bush administration with a dangerous dispute that could corrode the US' power in East Asia if the antagonism gets much worse.
So far, the administration, consumed with the war in Iraq, seems to have ignored the issue even though the US has security treaties with Japan and South Korea and has been seeking working relations with China to cope with North Korea's nuclear ambitions and to assist in the war on terror.
The China question is pervasive in Japan. The press and television news have been filled with discussions of how Japan should respond. Popular weekly news magazines have carried a flock of special reports and almost every conversation, no matter how casual, quickly turns to China's anti-Japanese stance.
Even a sushi chef in Kyoto got into an animated discussion late one evening after most of his customers had left.
"The anti-Japanese uprising in China," he said, "does not serve the interests of either China or South Korea or Japan."
Many Japanese think they can do nothing to persuade the Chinese and Koreans to relent. They point to 18 or 20 apologies for World War II, including the recent one by Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, and to US$30 billion in economic aid that has helped to build China's industrial infrastructure. Japan has extended similar aid to South Korea, but has failed to get credit for it in either case. Now the Japanese seem to have given up.
"No matter what we do, the Chinese and Koreans will always demand more," is a common refrain.
One diplomat said: "The Chinese and Koreans have been educating their people for more than a generation to hate Japan. It will take another generation to undo that."
The demonstrations, including rock-throwing assaults on Japan's embassy in Beijing, were evidently intended to intimidate Japan into diplomatic submission. Instead, the Japanese have become defiant.
"Among my friends, the general feeling is `enough is enough,'" a musician said.
Chinese protesters last month and early this month carried scores of placards demanding that Japanese reflect on their country's invasion of China during World War II. Instead, the Japanese asserted that the Chinese themselves were guilty of millions of deaths during the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution of the 1950s and 1960s.
The protests, encouraged by the Chinese government, were intended to force Japan to give up its campaign to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Instead, Japan is seeking international support. India, Germany, Brazil and Japan have jointly asked to enter the Security Council, which complicates China's opposition. The Chinese rallies, during which the police did not intervene, were intended to drive a wedge between Japan and the US. Instead, said another Japanese diplomat: "We must do everything we can to strengthen our alliance with the United States."
The Chinese intended to dissuade Japan from building up its armed forces and becoming a "normal nation." Instead, they have accelerated moves to revise the famed Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, the "no-war clause" that forbids Japan from using military power.
China intended to dampen speculation that Japan, alarmed by North Korea's nuclear ambitions, might go nuclear.
"I don't believe we should have nuclear arms," a scholar said, "but we should consider it."
Some Japanese said the way to prevent Japan from acquiring nuclear arms would be for the US to reiterate its commitment to Japan's defense, including an explicit pledge to retaliate if Japan were to be attacked with a nuclear weapon. To be effective, said a strategic thinker, such a pledge should come from US President George W. Bush.
Richard Halloran is a writer based in Hawaii.
Jan. 1 marks a decade since China repealed its one-child policy. Just 10 days before, Peng Peiyun (彭珮雲), who long oversaw the often-brutal enforcement of China’s family-planning rules, died at the age of 96, having never been held accountable for her actions. Obituaries praised Peng for being “reform-minded,” even though, in practice, she only perpetuated an utterly inhumane policy, whose consequences have barely begun to materialize. It was Vice Premier Chen Muhua (陳慕華) who first proposed the one-child policy in 1979, with the endorsement of China’s then-top leaders, Chen Yun (陳雲) and Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平), as a means of avoiding the
In the US’ National Security Strategy (NSS) report released last month, US President Donald Trump offered his interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine. The “Trump Corollary,” presented on page 15, is a distinctly aggressive rebranding of the more than 200-year-old foreign policy position. Beyond reasserting the sovereignty of the western hemisphere against foreign intervention, the document centers on energy and strategic assets, and attempts to redraw the map of the geopolitical landscape more broadly. It is clear that Trump no longer sees the western hemisphere as a peaceful backyard, but rather as the frontier of a new Cold War. In particular,
As the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) races toward its 2027 modernization goals, most analysts fixate on ship counts, missile ranges and artificial intelligence. Those metrics matter — but they obscure a deeper vulnerability. The true future of the PLA, and by extension Taiwan’s security, might hinge less on hardware than on whether the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) can preserve ideological loyalty inside its own armed forces. Iran’s 1979 revolution demonstrated how even a technologically advanced military can collapse when the social environment surrounding it shifts. That lesson has renewed relevance as fresh unrest shakes Iran today — and it should
The last foreign delegation Nicolas Maduro met before he went to bed Friday night (January 2) was led by China’s top Latin America diplomat. “I had a pleasant meeting with Qiu Xiaoqi (邱小琪), Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping (習近平),” Venezuela’s soon-to-be ex-president tweeted on Telegram, “and we reaffirmed our commitment to the strategic relationship that is progressing and strengthening in various areas for building a multipolar world of development and peace.” Judging by how minutely the Central Intelligence Agency was monitoring Maduro’s every move on Friday, President Trump himself was certainly aware of Maduro’s felicitations to his Chinese guest. Just