President Chen Shui-bian (
On the issues of constitutional reforms and cross-strait relationship -- about which there is much concern, both within the country and overseas -- Chen's remarks suggested compromises on his part to live up to expectations from all sides. Generally speaking, the inaugural speech accomplished the effect of being "safe and steady," especially after the pan-blue camp's mass protests and lawsuits seeking to declare the election null and void.
The relationship between the opposition and ruling camps has reached an all-time low and society as a whole is riddled with restless sentiment. The president's inaugural speech especially addressed this point, reminding people that "various ethnic groups, because of their disparate history and distinctive subcultures, understandably hold divergent views and values. Recognizing such inherent differences, we should embrace one another with more tolerance and understanding."
"Regardless of whether an individual identifies with Taiwan or with the Republic of China, a common destiny has bequeathed upon all of us the same parity and dignity. Let us therefore relinquish differentiations between `native' and `foreign' and between `minority' and `majority,' for the most complimentary and accurate depiction of present-day Taiwan is of a people `ethnically diverse, but one as a nation,'" Chen said.
He pointed out that unifying Taiwan, stabilizing the cross-strait relationship as well as domestic society, and having a prosperous economy are the heart-felt expectations of the people, and therefore the top priorities for the government's future policy implementation.
Regarding the issue of constitutional reform, Chen indicated that his reforms will be geared toward better management of the government, improved government efficiency, confirming the roots of the democratic rule of law, and sustainable governance and security of the country. On the substantive level, he plans to organize a Constitutional Reform Committee to identify common ground within society for the scope and procedures of the constitutional reforms, and to accommodate the monitoring of the public as well as commentators.
Chen emphasized that "the Republic of China now exists in Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu. This is a fact. Taiwan's existence as a member of international society is also a fact. Such realities cannot be negated by anyone for any reason -- for therein lies the collective will of the people of Taiwan."
He said that if both sides are willing, on the basis of goodwill, to create an environment built upon "peaceful development and freedom of choice," then the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China -- or Taiwan and China -- "can seek to establish relations in any form they desire. We would not exclude any possibility, as long as the consent of Taiwan's 23 million people is gained."
Middle way
Chen also reiterated the promises and principles set forth in his inaugural speech in 2000. "Those commitments have been honored -- they have not changed over the past four years, nor will they change in the next four years," he said, adding that he would establish a Committee for Cross-Strait Peace and Development to draft the guidelines for cross-strait peace and development. These statements demonstrate his alignment toward the "middle way." The US, China and all camps within and outside of Taiwan should find them generally acceptable.
Whether Chen's concessions will be reciprocated by China remains to be seen, especially after Beijing on May 17 issued a harshly-worded declaration, making threats and criticisms about Taiwan's move to strengthen its sovereignty, as if Taiwan has no choice but to succumb. Beijing's statement was obviously intended to influence Chen's inaugural speech, and anyone who reads the speech can discover the shadows cast by China.
The president needs to seek domestic and international consensus on major issues and should of course exercise caution in his leadership of the country. In this respect, the inaugural speech indeed sought to accomplish a highly challenging task.
However, Beijing continues to claim that Taiwan is part of China, and it keeps escalating its military threats. If we allow them to believe that intensifying the pressure on Taiwan can get them what they want, then Chen's endeavors to consider the overall good will convey a message to China that it can keep pushing us around. Against a backdrop of continued Chinese hostility, hastily expanding and enlarging cross-strait exchanges in journalism, information, education, culture, trade and economy, as well as pushing for direct links, can only increase the likeliness that China will step up its unification propaganda while continuing to hollow out Taiwan's economy.
For Taiwan, the evolution of democratic reforms have reached the point where a new constitution is required. This is supported by the fact that Chen's campaign proposal to draft a new constitution helped him win over the hearts of the people. But in his inaugural speech "drafting a new constitution" has been replaced by a "constitutional re-engineering project," suggesting that issues involving sovereignty, territory and unification versus independence should not be included in the scope of the project.
Moreover, in terms of the procedure of the constitutional reform, the first and also the last ad hoc National Assembly will be elected by the Legislative Yuan according to the existing Constitution and charged with the task of adopting the constitutional reform proposal as passed by the legislature. Abolishing the National Assembly, incorporating the people's right to hold referendums into the Constitution and reforming the Constitution itself will all be accomplished in this way.
Chen said that the last six constitutional amendments over the past 10 years had been spearheaded by one man and one party. He went on to state that in the future, the Constitutional Reform Committee would seek the greatest social commonality in terms of the scope and procedure of the constitutional reform, despite the fact that he had himself already determined the fundamental elements of the reforms. This would seem to contradict fundamental democratic principles. What is worth waiting for is Chen's additional promise to hand over a new version of the Constitution -- one that is timely, relevant and viable -- before the end of his term in 2008.
In addition, the president has recognized that various ethnic groups hold divergent views and values, and that, "recognizing such inherent differences, we should embrace one another with more tolerance and understanding."
Ethnic divisions
The ethnic divisions within Taiwan is indeed a problem that cannot be overlooked and has to be addressed in the democratic re-engineering project. Chen is right to openly speak about the problem. Unfortunately, apart from calling for tolerance and understanding, he did not propose any substantive measures to solve the problem. We must realize that, as long as the issue of national identification within Taiwan has not been resolved, China can continue its unification propaganda, and it can also continue posing a threat to Taiwan.
In addition to seeking a balance point for Taiwanese sovereignty, both domestically and internationally, there is also the need to find a way to move forward. A lot of thought went into Chen's inaugural speech. It sought to find the best balance points for all sides, demonstrating Chen's pragmatism and responsible attitude and finding ways to win US recognition while not giving China any excuse to criticize Taiwan.
Although some shortcomings in the speech have been pointed out, no one can deny that the speech has been successful. Moreover, as suggested by our ancestors, "the importance of governance is not in what one says."
Not all of Chen's strategies and policies in governance can be conveyed through one single speech. With the domestic and international situation often changing in the blink of an eye, Chen will naturally have to make the necessary adjustments based on objective needs and in accordance with the principles of democracy, so that he can lead Taiwan toward the goal of becoming a normal country.
There is much evidence that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is sending soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — and is learning lessons for a future war against Taiwan. Until now, the CCP has claimed that they have not sent PLA personnel to support Russian aggression. On 18 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelinskiy announced that the CCP is supplying war supplies such as gunpowder, artillery, and weapons subcomponents to Russia. When Zelinskiy announced on 9 April that the Ukrainian Army had captured two Chinese nationals fighting with Russians on the front line with details
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), joined by the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), held a protest on Saturday on Ketagalan Boulevard in Taipei. They were essentially standing for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is anxious about the mass recall campaign against KMT legislators. President William Lai (賴清德) said that if the opposition parties truly wanted to fight dictatorship, they should do so in Tiananmen Square — and at the very least, refrain from groveling to Chinese officials during their visits to China, alluding to meetings between KMT members and Chinese authorities. Now that China has been defined as a foreign hostile force,