While the opposition is still entangled with post-election political disputes and its own problems of power redistribution, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has initiated inter-party reform with proposals it introduced last week. These electoral reforms aim at eliminating factional manipulation of party members and paving the way for more fair and open competition.
The DPP's attempts at internal reform not only displayed the party's capacity for self-examination but also demonstrated that President Chen Shui-bian (
The art of leadership is to maintain sufficient momentum to steer public policy without losing public support. An idealistic leader will not hesitate to do something unpopular. But a smart idealist will carefully measure public opinion before he does so, and will develop a strategy to persuade the electorate.
Ill outcomes result when timid, tepid governance leaves initiatives to the opposition. This reduces a political leader to a gambler, dependent on good times and luck to take him where he wants to go. The Chen administration has learned a great lesson from opposition boycotts and from its own mistakes in four years.
With a new mandate, the ruling party should reconstruct its contract with the people and try to convince them that the nation is heading in the right direction. By incorporating reforms, the DPP opened a gate to remold Taiwanese politics toward mature democracy.
The DPP's primary system has long been criticized by the public because it breeds factional nepotism. When the party won a second presidential election, the leadership introduced reforms that position the DPP as the foremost hope to deepen democracy in the country.
After his first term, Chen recognized the enormous difficulties involved in forging a national consensus on key policy areas, and the recent election has further polarized political forces.
To govern successfully, Chen must avoid serving his own party's extremists and ideologues. He must transcend party interests and appeal to political moderates, seeking common ground. If he can transcend special interests, then he can win primaries in his own party by appealing to moderate rank-and-file voters.
In politics, the most lethal wounds are inflicted from the rear. An elected president who seeks to reach beyond his party's base and appeal to the swing voters his electoral fortunes depend on invites assault from his own ranks.
Facing domestic and external challenges, Chen must display a stronger will to take care of majority interests, not just those of his own party. It is from the center that leaders must lead. Each party has its own center that is more moderate than its leaders or its campaign donors. By reaching out to that center, an elected leader can escape being the prisoner of his own party stalwarts.
Chen must keep in mind that leadership is a dynamic tension between where a politician thinks his country should go and where voters want it to go. Bold initiatives that leave the voters behind are not acts of leadership but of self-indulgent arrogance. The key is not to abjure change but to seek it with political wisdom and skills of persuasion.
Self-initiated and incessant reform is the most responsible way of building public trust in the DPP. The ruling party has served as a good example of this so far. How will the opposition meet the same challenge?
There is much evidence that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is sending soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — and is learning lessons for a future war against Taiwan. Until now, the CCP has claimed that they have not sent PLA personnel to support Russian aggression. On 18 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelinskiy announced that the CCP is supplying war supplies such as gunpowder, artillery, and weapons subcomponents to Russia. When Zelinskiy announced on 9 April that the Ukrainian Army had captured two Chinese nationals fighting with Russians on the front line with details
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), joined by the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), held a protest on Saturday on Ketagalan Boulevard in Taipei. They were essentially standing for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is anxious about the mass recall campaign against KMT legislators. President William Lai (賴清德) said that if the opposition parties truly wanted to fight dictatorship, they should do so in Tiananmen Square — and at the very least, refrain from groveling to Chinese officials during their visits to China, alluding to meetings between KMT members and Chinese authorities. Now that China has been defined as a foreign hostile force,
RSS