Protesters may shout and relatives of the hostages plead, but Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi really has only one viable option: to keep his nation's troops in Iraq. Any other decision, some political analysts say, would be tantamount to defeat.
Faced with his biggest test to date, Koizumi has vowed not to pull out the troops despite threats by a militant group to kill three captive Japanese civilians unless he brings home the soldiers, sent to southern Iraq to help with reconstruction work.
ILLUSTRATION: YU SHA
U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney applauded that commitment Tuesday and warned that reneging on it would endanger the unity of the U.S.-led coalition.
Koizumi's handling of the crisis will almost certainly affect the outcome of parliamentary elections in July as well as the debate over what role Japan -- long constrained by its pacifist constitution -- should play in global security affairs.
"Public opinion in Japan on foreign policy is sort of a blank, because there hasn't been much experience," said Steven Reed, a political science professor at Chuo University in Tokyo. "Whatever happens now could have a huge effect on public opinion."
Bringing back the troops, however, would mean acknowledging their deployment was ill-conceived, a financial analyst said.
"I don't think he can say `I'm sorry, I made a mistake'," said Shigenori Okazaki, a political analyst at brokerage UBS. "That would be a negation of all the important decisions he has made since day one. If he did, he would have to take responsibility for that decision, and he would have to go."
The Japanese public was deeply divided from the start over the dispatch of about 550 ground troops to Iraq, the nation's riskiest military mission since World War II and a milestone in Tokyo's shift from a purely defensive postwar military stance.
A survey aired Monday by Asahi TV showed that a scant majority of voters -- 53 percent -- felt the troops should not be brought home in response to the kidnappers' demands.
But support for the dispatch itself fell eight points to 39 percent, while opposition rose five points to 48 percent.
"Support for a withdrawal is going up. But I don't think Koizumi will change his mind," said Takashi Inoguchi, a political science professor at the University of Tokyo. "He will take the risk and face the Upper House elections."
KOIZUMI'S COMPETENCE
Support for Koizumi's Cabinet was at 48.7 percent, high for a Japanese prime minister after three years in office but down 4.5 points from a previous survey, Asahi TV said.
Koizumi has refused requests to meet with the hostages' relatives to listen to their pleas to bring the troops home, a stance that has made him appear callous to some Japanese. The premier's competence in a crisis is also under scrutiny, along with that of his government.
Some of Koizumi's harshest critics, including the main opposition Democratic Party, agree that the troops should not be brought home in response to the militants' demands.
But they argue that a deteriorating security situation in southern Iraq near Samawa means the dispatch is violating a law that restricts the troops' activities to a "non-combat zone."
U.S.-led forces, which have been struggling for months to crush a Sunni insurgency in central Iraq, now face a Shi'ite revolt in the south.
Debate over Japan's troop deployment is thus likely to continue, no matter how the hostage drama ends.
"Iraq is on the verge of a rerun of the quagmire of Vietnam or Lebanon, which was racked by terrorism and chaos during a civil war," said the liberal Asahi newspaper, which has consistently opposed the dispatch.
Developments in Iraq also have implications for Japan's alliance with the US, whose vice president, Dick Cheney, had promised that America would do its best to help resolve the hostage crisis.
However, Japan's media and many citizens expressed doubts.
"If U.S.-Japan cooperation does not function satisfactorily in this crisis, it could affect trust in the overall security relation," said the daily Tokyo Shimbun.
Many Japanese on both left and right resent what they see as Tokyo having to follow U.S. policy dictates because the U.S. military provides a security umbrella for Japan.
"Neo-nationalists seem more solid day by day," Inoguchi said. "The inability of the United States to do much in Iraq ... could encourage (neo-nationalists) to try to enhance Japan's military and revise the constitution so Japan can act more freely."
What began on Feb. 28 as a military campaign against Iran quickly became the largest energy-supply disruption in modern times. Unlike the oil crises of the 1970s, which stemmed from producer-led embargoes, US President Donald Trump is the first leader in modern history to trigger a cascading global energy crisis through direct military action. In the process, Trump has also laid bare Taiwan’s strategic and economic fragilities, offering Beijing a real-time tutorial in how to exploit them. Repairing the damage to Persian Gulf oil and gas infrastructure could take years, suggesting that elevated energy prices are likely to persist. But the most
In late January, Taiwan’s first indigenous submarine, the Hai Kun (海鯤, or Narwhal), completed its first submerged dive, reaching a depth of roughly 50m during trials in the waters off Kaohsiung. By March, it had managed a fifth dive, still well short of the deep-water and endurance tests required before the navy could accept the vessel. The original delivery deadline of November last year passed months ago. CSBC Corp, Taiwan, the lead contractor, now targets June and the Ministry of National Defense is levying daily penalties for every day the submarine remains unfinished. The Hai Kun was supposed to be
The Legislative Yuan on Friday held another cross-party caucus negotiation on a special act for bolstering national defense that the Executive Yuan had proposed last year. The party caucuses failed to reach a consensus on several key provisions, so the next session is scheduled for today, where many believe substantial progress would finally be made. The plan for an eight-year NT$1.25 trillion (US$39.59 billion) special defense budget was first proposed by the Cabinet in November last year, but the opposition Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) lawmakers have continuously blocked it from being listed on the agenda for
On Tuesday last week, the Presidential Office announced, less than 24 hours before he was scheduled to depart, that President William Lai’s (賴清德) planned official trip to Eswatini, Taiwan’s sole diplomatic ally in Africa, had been delayed. It said that the three island nations of Seychelles, Mauritius and Madagascar had, without prior notice, revoked the charter plane’s overflight permits following “intense pressure” from China. Lai, in his capacity as the Republic of China’s (ROC) president, was to attend the 40th anniversary of King Mswati III’s accession. King Mswati visited Taiwan to attend Lai’s inauguration in 2024. This is the first