Protesters may shout and relatives of the hostages plead, but Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi really has only one viable option: to keep his nation's troops in Iraq. Any other decision, some political analysts say, would be tantamount to defeat.
Faced with his biggest test to date, Koizumi has vowed not to pull out the troops despite threats by a militant group to kill three captive Japanese civilians unless he brings home the soldiers, sent to southern Iraq to help with reconstruction work.
ILLUSTRATION: YU SHA
U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney applauded that commitment Tuesday and warned that reneging on it would endanger the unity of the U.S.-led coalition.
Koizumi's handling of the crisis will almost certainly affect the outcome of parliamentary elections in July as well as the debate over what role Japan -- long constrained by its pacifist constitution -- should play in global security affairs.
"Public opinion in Japan on foreign policy is sort of a blank, because there hasn't been much experience," said Steven Reed, a political science professor at Chuo University in Tokyo. "Whatever happens now could have a huge effect on public opinion."
Bringing back the troops, however, would mean acknowledging their deployment was ill-conceived, a financial analyst said.
"I don't think he can say `I'm sorry, I made a mistake'," said Shigenori Okazaki, a political analyst at brokerage UBS. "That would be a negation of all the important decisions he has made since day one. If he did, he would have to take responsibility for that decision, and he would have to go."
The Japanese public was deeply divided from the start over the dispatch of about 550 ground troops to Iraq, the nation's riskiest military mission since World War II and a milestone in Tokyo's shift from a purely defensive postwar military stance.
A survey aired Monday by Asahi TV showed that a scant majority of voters -- 53 percent -- felt the troops should not be brought home in response to the kidnappers' demands.
But support for the dispatch itself fell eight points to 39 percent, while opposition rose five points to 48 percent.
"Support for a withdrawal is going up. But I don't think Koizumi will change his mind," said Takashi Inoguchi, a political science professor at the University of Tokyo. "He will take the risk and face the Upper House elections."
KOIZUMI'S COMPETENCE
Support for Koizumi's Cabinet was at 48.7 percent, high for a Japanese prime minister after three years in office but down 4.5 points from a previous survey, Asahi TV said.
Koizumi has refused requests to meet with the hostages' relatives to listen to their pleas to bring the troops home, a stance that has made him appear callous to some Japanese. The premier's competence in a crisis is also under scrutiny, along with that of his government.
Some of Koizumi's harshest critics, including the main opposition Democratic Party, agree that the troops should not be brought home in response to the militants' demands.
But they argue that a deteriorating security situation in southern Iraq near Samawa means the dispatch is violating a law that restricts the troops' activities to a "non-combat zone."
U.S.-led forces, which have been struggling for months to crush a Sunni insurgency in central Iraq, now face a Shi'ite revolt in the south.
Debate over Japan's troop deployment is thus likely to continue, no matter how the hostage drama ends.
"Iraq is on the verge of a rerun of the quagmire of Vietnam or Lebanon, which was racked by terrorism and chaos during a civil war," said the liberal Asahi newspaper, which has consistently opposed the dispatch.
Developments in Iraq also have implications for Japan's alliance with the US, whose vice president, Dick Cheney, had promised that America would do its best to help resolve the hostage crisis.
However, Japan's media and many citizens expressed doubts.
"If U.S.-Japan cooperation does not function satisfactorily in this crisis, it could affect trust in the overall security relation," said the daily Tokyo Shimbun.
Many Japanese on both left and right resent what they see as Tokyo having to follow U.S. policy dictates because the U.S. military provides a security umbrella for Japan.
"Neo-nationalists seem more solid day by day," Inoguchi said. "The inability of the United States to do much in Iraq ... could encourage (neo-nationalists) to try to enhance Japan's military and revise the constitution so Japan can act more freely."
Donald Trump’s return to the White House has offered Taiwan a paradoxical mix of reassurance and risk. Trump’s visceral hostility toward China could reinforce deterrence in the Taiwan Strait. Yet his disdain for alliances and penchant for transactional bargaining threaten to erode what Taiwan needs most: a reliable US commitment. Taiwan’s security depends less on US power than on US reliability, but Trump is undermining the latter. Deterrence without credibility is a hollow shield. Trump’s China policy in his second term has oscillated wildly between confrontation and conciliation. One day, he threatens Beijing with “massive” tariffs and calls China America’s “greatest geopolitical
On Sunday, 13 new urgent care centers (UCC) officially began operations across the six special municipalities. The purpose of the centers — which are open from 8am to midnight on Sundays and national holidays — is to reduce congestion in hospital emergency rooms, especially during the nine-day Lunar New Year holiday next year. It remains to be seen how effective these centers would be. For one, it is difficult for people to judge for themselves whether their condition warrants visiting a major hospital or a UCC — long-term public education and health promotions are necessary. Second, many emergency departments acknowledge
US President Donald Trump’s seemingly throwaway “Taiwan is Taiwan” statement has been appearing in headlines all over the media. Although it appears to have been made in passing, the comment nevertheless reveals something about Trump’s views and his understanding of Taiwan’s situation. In line with the Taiwan Relations Act, the US and Taiwan enjoy unofficial, but close economic, cultural and national defense ties. They lack official diplomatic relations, but maintain a partnership based on shared democratic values and strategic alignment. Excluding China, Taiwan maintains a level of diplomatic relations, official or otherwise, with many nations worldwide. It can be said that
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) made the astonishing assertion during an interview with Germany’s Deutsche Welle, published on Friday last week, that Russian President Vladimir Putin is not a dictator. She also essentially absolved Putin of blame for initiating the war in Ukraine. Commentators have since listed the reasons that Cheng’s assertion was not only absurd, but bordered on dangerous. Her claim is certainly absurd to the extent that there is no need to discuss the substance of it: It would be far more useful to assess what drove her to make the point and stick so