In the aftermath of the terror attacks in Madrid, it seemed that the election of Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero and his Socialist Party would have its greatest effect in foreign policy -- the possible withdrawal of Spanish troops from Iraq and the repair of damaged relations with France and Germany. But the realization is dawning that the greatest effects may ultimately be felt in Spain itself.
Zapatero, it seems, thinks that his country should have a sexual and social revolution.
The 43-year-old lawyer wants to legalize some form of gay marriage, rid public schools and medical research of Roman Catholic dogma, create nonpartisan state television and enact laws eradicating sexism in Spanish society.
ILLUSTRATION: MOUNTAIN PEOPLE
These are not just idle campaign promises. In a speech to Socialist leaders on March 26, he said: "The time has come for extreme respect for the sexual opinions of every individual, a time for a secular vision."
His administration, he added, will mark "the beginning of complete equality of the sexes, of the unceasing fight against criminal machismo."
Zapatero wants nothing less than a brave, new Spain, one that he said in the speech will be "modern, cultured, tolerant."
Already modern
At first, this sounds strange. As the world's eighth-largest economy, and growing faster than most others in the EU, Spain is certainly modern. And of all the countries in Europe, Spain is already among the most cultured, tolerant and socially liberal. This is, after all, the country that produced the anything-goes filmmaker Pedro Almodovar.
One of the most enduring features of the post-Franco era has been the celebration and protection of individual choice and freedom of expression, even when it clashes with traditional Catholic doctrine.
That may explain why prostitution (but not pimping) is legal, and the classified ads for the services so explicit in both liberal and conservative newspapers. Or why Barcelona is one of Europe's leaders in the pornography industry, with Private Media Group, a leading adult entertainment company, trading on the NASDAQ. Every year the city plays host to an erotic film festival.
Spain's gay community is vibrant, flamboyant and politically active. Drug use by individuals in the privacy of their homes is tolerated.
Spaniards of all political colorations scoff at the puritan streak in American politics that made the Monica Lewinsky affair such a big deal.
So why the need for radical change?
Most immediately, Zapatero wants to purge the country of the residue of conservatism that marked Aznar's eight-year administration. Although 94 percent of Spaniards are Catholics, a recent survey indicated that only 12 percent of young people between the ages of 13 and 24 go to Mass every week, and most Spaniards favor the strict separation of church and state.
Legal U-turn
Some changes will be easier than others. Last year, Spain passed a highly unpopular law that would make religious instruction a required part of the curriculum in public schools. Under the Zapatero administration, the law will not go into effect.
As for gay marriage, some form of civil union is already in force in most of Spain's 17 autonomous regions, but there is no countrywide protection under the law. Zapatero pledged in a television interview after the election to introduce legislation to put gay unions "on the same footing as marriage," even if he waffled a bit, adding that "Marriage is perhaps not the best word."
It helps that 68 percent of Spaniards favor gay marriage according to a Gallup poll last year (compared with 58 percent in France and 47 percent in Italy). But on the more delicate and contentious issue of adoptions by gay couples, Zapatero has promised only to find "broad consensus."
Abortion is illegal except in cases of rape, a deformed fetus or the endangering of the woman's mental or physical health. Although clinics routinely employ psychologists who attest to the mental fragility of the patients, there were efforts under the Aznar administration to prosecute doctors for flouting the law. The Socialist Party electoral platform includes a proposal to change the abortion law to allow women to terminate their pregnancies in the first 12 weeks for any reason.
On another level, Zapatero wants to spread Spain's wealth around. For example, he has announced the creation of a Ministry of Housing to provide more low and middle income housing for young people and new immigrants.
This undertaking coincides with an economic boom not seen in Spain since the discovery of the Americas, and ridiculously low mortgage rates that have helped produce one of the highest home ownership rates in Europe.
Respect for women
But Zapatero's most sweeping vision in domestic policy by far is to transform the role of women.
Spain is still a country of gender inequality -- in the family, in the workplace and in the public imagination. During his campaign, Zapatero stressed the fact that Spanish women earn 25 percent less than men do for the same work, that Spain has one of the highest female unemployment rates in Europe and that only 10 percent of its business executives are women. He said that each year there are 50,000 reports of spousal abuse and that 500 women died as "victims of gender violence" in the past eight years.
His government, he has said, will make women respected in Spain, guarantee equality between men and women, force men to contribute more to family duties and even "eradicate machismo." Education, he added, is the key to changing attitudes.
But it will not be easy to alter the fact that women in 84 percent of Spanish households always or usually do the laundry, or that in 73 percent of the households they always or usually prepare the next day's meals, according to a 2002 survey by Spain's Center for Sociological Research. And what about help-wanted ads that routinely specify that only attractive women under the age of 35 need apply? Or that divorce laws still favor men?
Asked in an interview in El Pais last month whether the sheer scope of his domestic and foreign policy agenda makes him dizzy, Zapatero replied: "I have the advantage that I usually sleep well." A political cartoon published since his election showed him sitting up in bed next to his wife, Sonsoles Espinosa, reading a book on how to become a leader in three days.
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval