"Wrongful incrimination," "slander," "smears," "conjuring things out of the blue," "shameless," "calling a deer a horse" and "distortion." A person accused of such deeds does sound rather objectionable. Yet these were the words used by the campaign headquarters of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the People First Party (PFP) in an advertisement criticizing President Chen Shui-bian (
It is language that would be considered by the average person to be excessive, not to mention the fact that it was directed at the head of state. If this does not constitute the crime of slandering the head of state, as spelled out in the Criminal Code, then what does?
On Saturday, the pan-blue campaign headquarters issued a copy of a speech by KMT Chairman Lien Chan (連戰). It contained the expression "kickback-taking president" (抽頭型總統), insinuating that Chen is corrupt. Lien did not actually use this in his speech, but local media still quoted it in their reports.
To defend Chen's reputation and counter the blue camp's accusation, first lady Wu Shu-chen (吳淑珍) yesterday went to the Taipei District Prosecutors' Office to file suit against Lien for libel and for using illegitimate means in the course of an election campaign.
Even though Lien did not use the words "kickback-taking president," his headquarters did distribute the handouts. Even if Lien can get away scot-free, the campaign office certainly should not. And even if the law cannot punish Lien, his crew cannot escape the damage their integrity has sustained.
As election day draws closer, both the pan-blue and pan-green camps are trying hard to distinguish themselves. Campaign language is also becoming more vitriolic as the race picks up its pace. The dignity befitting political figures and the style and propriety befitting democratic politics have all been overwhelmed by the desire for victory.
The language used by the pan-blue camp to criticize Chen could act as an apt description of the pan-blue camp as well. Chen's camp has also been indiscreet in its investigation and accusations regarding the Lien family's assets. The crude performances of both sides have dragged this election down to the level of a township representative brawl.
The election campaign has not officially begun, but attacks between the candidates and their parties, saturation media coverage and the over-engagement of the public have resulted in political and social schisms. Candidates should be debating their vision for the nation's future, but now the campaign has gone totally off track. Presidential candidates engage in groundless character assassination. And even if someone has the luck to escape from these killing fields, the winner will be left bereft of dignity. How can someone with so many wounds to his person be able to lead the country?
More and more people are hoping that election season will be over soon. Some are even organizing a group calling on voters to cast invalid votes. Repulsion over the election is spreading quickly. It is a warning sign that both camps should take note of.
It is hoped one of the presidential candidates can set an example by stepping forward and saying, "I would rather lose the election than lose our democracy. Let's end negative campaigning now."
Jan. 1 marks a decade since China repealed its one-child policy. Just 10 days before, Peng Peiyun (彭珮雲), who long oversaw the often-brutal enforcement of China’s family-planning rules, died at the age of 96, having never been held accountable for her actions. Obituaries praised Peng for being “reform-minded,” even though, in practice, she only perpetuated an utterly inhumane policy, whose consequences have barely begun to materialize. It was Vice Premier Chen Muhua (陳慕華) who first proposed the one-child policy in 1979, with the endorsement of China’s then-top leaders, Chen Yun (陳雲) and Deng Xiaoping (鄧小平), as a means of avoiding the
The last foreign delegation Nicolas Maduro met before he went to bed Friday night (January 2) was led by China’s top Latin America diplomat. “I had a pleasant meeting with Qiu Xiaoqi (邱小琪), Special Envoy of President Xi Jinping (習近平),” Venezuela’s soon-to-be ex-president tweeted on Telegram, “and we reaffirmed our commitment to the strategic relationship that is progressing and strengthening in various areas for building a multipolar world of development and peace.” Judging by how minutely the Central Intelligence Agency was monitoring Maduro’s every move on Friday, President Trump himself was certainly aware of Maduro’s felicitations to his Chinese guest. Just
A recent piece of international news has drawn surprisingly little attention, yet it deserves far closer scrutiny. German industrial heavyweight Siemens Mobility has reportedly outmaneuvered long-entrenched Chinese competitors in Southeast Asian infrastructure to secure a strategic partnership with Vietnam’s largest private conglomerate, Vingroup. The agreement positions Siemens to participate in the construction of a high-speed rail link between Hanoi and Ha Long Bay. German media were blunt in their assessment: This was not merely a commercial win, but has symbolic significance in “reshaping geopolitical influence.” At first glance, this might look like a routine outcome of corporate bidding. However, placed in
China often describes itself as the natural leader of the global south: a power that respects sovereignty, rejects coercion and offers developing countries an alternative to Western pressure. For years, Venezuela was held up — implicitly and sometimes explicitly — as proof that this model worked. Today, Venezuela is exposing the limits of that claim. Beijing’s response to the latest crisis in Venezuela has been striking not only for its content, but for its tone. Chinese officials have abandoned their usual restrained diplomatic phrasing and adopted language that is unusually direct by Beijing’s standards. The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the