The king of the Konyak tribe sleeps in Myanmar, but eats in India — his house, village and people divided by a mountain border that serves as a vulnerable lifeline now severed by a COVID-19 lockdown.
The Konyak are just one of dozens of Naga tribes, a people yearning to reunite the 3 million living in India with their 400,000 estranged — and much poorer — cousins in Myanmar’s isolated far north.
Many from Myanmar cross the border to attend school, sell vegetables or visit a hospital, as it is a days-long journey by foot to the nearest town in Myanmar.
Photo: AFP
Even in normal times, they live at the mercy of Indian soldiers guarding checkpoints against the threat of guerrilla groups fighting for reunification.
Tonyei Phawng claims to be the 12th generation of his family to rule the Konyak.
Dressed in tracksuit and trainers in his village of Longwa, the 43-year-old king in February described to reporters how his brothers in Myanmar were often stopped at the border and detained.
Days later, the border was shuttered, not at the whim of Indian soldiers, but due to the threat of COVID-19.
While the Indian government was providing some emergency rations, nothing had arrived from Burmese authorities, Longwa-based tour guide Nahmai Konyak, 34, told reporters by telephone.
Those living hand-to-mouth in Myanmar are finding it very difficult, he said: “We just can’t help them.”
Retreating British colonialists left behind the frontier after World War II, cleaving the Konyak tribe of 44 villages in two — alongside several other tribes.
The Naga on both sides enjoy some degree of autonomy, but there is a huge disparity of development. Indian roads lead right up to the frontier, bringing business and even some hardy tourists. Over the border, off-grid villages with few schools or amenities dot thickly forested slopes, connected by muddy paths in one of Myanmar’s poorest regions.
Thousands of Naga have taken up arms over decades to try to win a united homeland by force.
The rebels splintered in the late 1980s into two main groups, one fighting for the Naga cause each side of the border.
Civilians must pay taxes to help finance the groups and many families “sacrifice” a son to the resistance, Burmese Naga advocate Jacob Ngansa said.
However, New Delhi’s relative investment is chiseling away support over the border, the 23-year-old admitted with sadness.
“They are brainwashed by the Indian government,” he said.
With India-Myanmar relations blossoming, these are ominous times for Naga nationalists.
The Southeast Asian nation is hungry for new allies after being snubbed by the West over the Rohingya crisis, while India is keen to counter China’s regional influence over its smaller neighbor.
The allies have held joint military exercises and Burmese President Win Myint in February signed numerous deals on his visit to the subcontinent — also reaffirming a pact to prevent rebels mounting cross-border attacks.
Other Naga unionists chose politics over force.
The newly formed Naga National Party aims to woo the Naga vote in Myanmar’s elections due this year. Once in power, chairman Shu Maung said, it would work within the system to bring change.
“You cannot live in your uncle’s house forever,” he said.
The battle for the ballot box has already started.
National League of Democracy regional lawmaker Kail, who goes by one name, is Naga, but said that his immediate priorities are education, healthcare and food.
“Once we have those, then maybe the younger generations can take up the fight again for the dream,” he said.
However, analyst Bertil Lintner said the best Myanmar’s Naga can hope for is more autonomy within the country.
A united Nagaland is “never going to happen,” he said, not least because the tribes are so divided among themselves.
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