With the Year of the Snake reaching its conclusion on Monday next week, now is an opportune moment to reflect on the past year — a year marked by institutional strain and national resilience. For Taiwan, the Year of the Snake was a composite of political friction, economic momentum, social unease and strategic consolidation.
In the political sphere, it was defined less by legislative productivity and more by partisan confrontation. The mass recall movement sought to remove 31 Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators following the passage of controversial bills that expanded legislative powers and imposed sweeping budget cuts. While the effort ultimately failed, it demonstrated the public’s capacity for grassroots mobilization in response to institutional overreach.
Throughout the year, legislative gridlock was worsened by protracted budget freezes and procedural standoffs. Most notable is the ongoing impasse over the government’s proposed NT$1.25 trillion (US$39.65 billion) special defense budget, widely seen as essential amid intensifying pressure from China. Opposition lawmakers have declined to schedule a review of the budget 10 times, leaving one of the administration’s most consequential security initiatives stalled.
Taiwan’s economic trajectory was much more optimistic. GDP growth rebounded alongside export performance, fueled by global demand for advanced semiconductors and computing components. The TAIEX reached multiple record highs, reflecting investor confidence in the nation’s technology-driven growth.
This was particularly evident in the semiconductor sector. Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co advanced its overseas diversification strategy with major investments in the US as part of supply chain de-risking. While debates continue over the long-term implications for Taiwan’s “silicon shield,” the company’s global technological leadership remains undisputed.
Additionally, Nvidia Corp on Wednesday signed a NT$12.2 billion contract with the Taipei City Government to establish a headquarters in Beitou-Shilin Technology Park, further solidifying Taiwan’s central role in the artificial intelligence value chain.
However, environmental pressures provided a sobering counterpoint to economic progress. Severe flooding in Hualien County’s Guangfu Township (光復) once again exposed infrastructural vulnerabilities in eastern Taiwan, and called into question the competency of local authorities. Yet, in the aftermath came national solidarity, as more than 100,000 volunteer “shovel superheroes” mobilized to assist in cleanup and reconstruction efforts.
Energy policy also remained a contentious issue, as concerns about reserve margins, Taiwan Power Co’s accumilated losses and rising electricity prices fueled warnings of a looming energy crisis. Despite these anxieties, the August referendum on restarting the Ma-anshan Nuclear Power Plant in Pingtung County failed, reflecting enduring friction between security, affordability and public safety in the nation’s energy transition.
On the international front, Taiwan saw incremental, but meaningful progress. Trade negotiations with Washington that concluded on Jan. 15 lowered US tariffs on Taiwanese goods to 15 percent from 20 percent, easing pressure on export industries and further institutionalizing the Taiwan-US economic alignment.
Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s unprecedented victory in Sunday’s general election was another positive development, as Takaichi openly stated that a conflict in the Taiwan Strait would pose an existential threat to Japan. One day later, the US House of Representatives passed the PROTECT Taiwan Act, outlining significant economic and diplomatic consequences for China should it threaten Taiwan.
The year also saw strides in whole-of-society defense resilience. Civil defense training, emergency preparedness drills and public education initiatives expanded in scope and participation. National defense is no longer being framed solely in military terms, but as a comprehensive effort spanning infrastructure, information security and civilian preparedness.
The Year of the Snake revealed a Taiwan navigating countless tests and transformations. Democratic processes proved chaotic, but largely intact. The economy strengthened even as geopolitical tensions deepened. Social anxieties heightened, yet so did solidarity and collective preparedness.
As the holiday begins, reflection carries both civic and cultural significance. This past year illustrated the costs of division and the benefits of cooperation, and the year ahead would undoubtedly pose new challenges.
Taiwan enters the Year of the Horse with institutional experience, economic leverage and an increasingly self-aware society. The task now is not merely to celebrate national resilience, but to build upon it — with steadiness, foresight and a renewed sense of a shared purpose.
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
In an op-ed published in Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) said that Taiwan should not have to choose between aligning with Beijing or Washington, and advocated for cooperation with Beijing under the so-called “1992 consensus” as a form of “strategic ambiguity.” However, Cheng has either misunderstood the geopolitical reality and chosen appeasement, or is trying to fool an international audience with her doublespeak; nonetheless, it risks sending the wrong message to Taiwan’s democratic allies and partners. Cheng stressed that “Taiwan does not have to choose,” as while Beijing and Washington compete, Taiwan is strongest when